Qualified immunity is a defense against standing in a civil trial, normally against police



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Racism Impacts -- Consequential

Racism necessitates genocide and multiple forms of oppression.


Katz 97 - Katheryn Katz, Professor of Law, 1997, "The Clonal Child: Procreative Liberty and Asexual Reproduction," Lexis-Nexis

It is undeniable that throughout human history dominant and oppressive groups have committed unspeakable wrongs against those viewed as inferior. Once a person (or a people) has been characterized as sub-human, there appears to have been no limit to the cruelty that was or will be visited upon him. For example, in almost all wars, hatred towards the enemy was inspired to justify the killing and wounding by separating the enemy from the human race, by casting them as unworthy of human status. This same rationalization has supported: genocide, chattel slavery, racial segregation, economic exploitation, caste and class systems, coerced sterilization of social misfits and undesirables, unprincipled medical experimentation, the subjugation of women, and the social Darwinists' theory justifying indifference to the poverty and misery of others.


Racism causes structural violence, leading to genocide.


Vorster 2 - J.M. Vorster 2 (Prof. of Ethics, writer on religious fundamentalism and human rights, Advisor to the U.N. Human Rights Council, “Racism, xenophobia, and Human Rights,” The Ecumenical Review

Although these three causes of racism can be logically distinguished, they are mostly inter-related. Ideology can be the basis of fear, and greed can be justified by ideology and even fear. One of the major manifestations of racism is structural violence. State-organized genocide was a well-known phenomenon in the centuries of colonialism. Several nations disappeared altogether, or were reduced to tiny minorities, during the 19th century by the United States and by European powers in Africa, Latin America, Australia and New Zealand. (16) Nowadays the international community witnesses state organized "ethnic" cleansing in Central Africa and Eastern Europe. (17) This "ethnic cleansing" includes methods such as deportation, terror and so-called "legal forms" of exclusion from the state concerned. However, structural violence based on racism can have a more subtle form than state-organized terror and genocide. The philosophy of liberation proved in the 1960s that systems--even democratic systems--can become inherently violent. (18) In the maintenance of law and order, and sometimes even under the guise of human rights, a political and economic structure can exert violence to its subjects or a group of them. This usually happens when the system is one-dimensional, that is, when the system controls all spheres of life. The South African system in the period 1948-94 is a good example of a one-dimensional state. All spheres of life (even morality, sexuality and marital life) were controlled by the state. This provides the authorities with the means to discriminate in a "legitimate" way by introducing social stratification. This concept, and the usual pattern of its development, require further reflection. Social stratification is a system of legitimated, structured social inequality in which groups receive disproportionate amounts of the society's wealth, power and prestige and are socially ranked accordingly. (19) Social stratification flows from the supposition that society consists of irreconcilable groups and the premise that a unitary government with a general franchise cannot govern these groups. The maintenance of division is, according to this view, necessary for good and orderly government. The viewpoint in South Africa since colonization in the 17th century was that whites and blacks should be kept "apart" in order to have peace and prosperity for all. In this case the dividing principle was along racial lines, but it can also, in other cases and regions, be along ethnic, cultural, linguistic or religious lines. This premise denies the fact that pluralism can be maintained in a unitary state (in South Africa a unitary state was seen as a danger for white and indigenous futures), and is based on the conviction that nation-states are the only way to deal with pluralism. The dialectical principle must lead to the "us-them" social attitude and structure, with (as has been proven historically) total division and conflict developing according to a particular pattern. In the "us-zone" the uniqueness of the own group is idolized, and maintenance of one's own uniqueness is then of absolute importance. To stimulate the "we feeling" and maintain a strong sense of solidarity, a community will start with a reconstruction of its own history. (20)

People of Color are the victims of perpetual holocausts.


Omolade, 89 - (Barbara, 1989. 'We Speak for the Planet', in Adrienne Harris and Ynestra King (eds.), Rocking the Ship of State: Toward a Feminist Peace Politics, pp. 171-89.Boulder, CO: Westview Press)//AK

People of color were and are victims of holocausts-that is, of great and widespread destruction, usually by fire. The world as we knew and created it was destroyed in a continual scorched earth policy of the white man. The experience of Jews and other Europeans under the Nazis can teach us the value of understanding the totality of destructive intent, the extensiveness of torture, and the demonical apparatus of war aimed at the human spirit. A Jewish father pushed his daughter from the lines of certain death at Auschwitz and said, "You will be a remembrance--You tell the story--You survive." She lived. He died. Many have criticized the Jews for forcing non-Jews to remember the 6 million Jews who died under the Nazis and for etching the names Auschwitz and Buchenwald, Terezin and Warsaw in our minds. Yet as women of color, we, too, are "remembrances" of all the holocausts against the people of the world. We must remember the names of concentration camps such as Jesus, Justice, Brotherhood, and Integrity, ships that carried millions of African men, women, and children chained and brutalized across the ocean to the "New World." We must remember the Arawaks, the Taino, the Chickasaw, the Choctaw, the Narragansett, the Montauk, the Delaware, and the other Native American names of thousands of U.S. towns that stand for tribes of people who are no more. We must remember the holocausts visited against the Hawaiians, the aboriginal peoples of Australia, the Pacific Island peoples, and the women and children of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. We must remember the slaughter of men and women at Sharpeville, the children of Soweto, and the men of Attica. We must never, ever, forget the children disfigured, the men maimed, and the women broken in our holocausts-we must remember the names, the numbers, the faces, and the stories and teach them to our children and our children's children so the world can never forget our suffering and our courage. Whereas the particularity of the Jewish holocaust under the Nazis is over, our holocausts continue. We are the madres locos (crazy mothers) in the Argentinian square silently demanding news of our missing kin from the fascists who rule. We are the children of El Salvador who see our mothers and fathers shot in front of our eyes. We are the Palestinian and Lebanese women and children overrun by Israeli, Lebanese, and U.S. soldiers. We are the women and children of the bantustans and refugee camps and the prisoners of Robbin Island. We are the starving in the Sahel, the poor in Brazil, the sterilized in Puerto Rico. We are the brothers and sisters of Grenada who carry the seeds of the New Jewel Movement in our hearts, not daring to speak of it with our lips—yet.

Peace is not the absence of a nuclear conflict for the comfort of the white middle class—People of Color face the holocaust daily


Omolade, 89 - (Barbara, 1989. 'We Speak for the Planet', in Adrienne Harris and Ynestra King (eds.), Rocking the Ship of State: Toward a Feminist Peace Politics, pp. 171-89.Boulder, CO: Westview Press)//AK

Pacifists such as Martin Luther King, Jr. and Mahatma Gandhi who have used nonviolent resistance charged that those who used violence to obtain justice were just as evil as their oppressors. Yet all successful revolutionary movements have used organized violence. This is especially true of national liberation movements that have obtained state power and reorganized the institutions of their nations for the benefit of the people. If men and women in South Africa do not use organized violence, they could remain in the permanent violent state of the slave. Could it be that pacifism and nonviolence cannot become a way of life for the oppressed? Are they only tactics with specific and limited use for protecting people from further violence? For most people in the developing communities and the developing world consistent nonviolence is a luxury; it presumes that those who have and use nonviolent weapons will refrain from using them long enough for nonviolent resisters to win political battles. To survive, peoples in developing countries must use a varied repertoire of issues, tactics, and approaches. Sometimes arms are needed to defeat apartheid and defend freedom in South Africa; sometimes nonviolent demonstrations for justice are the appropriate strategy for protesting the shooting of black teenagers by a white man, such as happened in New York City. Peace is not merely an absence of 'conflict that enables white middleclass comfort, nor is it simply resistance to nuclear war and war machinery. The litany of "you will be blown up, too" directed by a white man to a black woman obscures the permanency and institutionalization of war, the violence and holocaust that people of color face daily. Unfortunately, the holocaust does not only refer to the mass murder of Jews, Christians, and atheists during the Nazi regime; it also refers to the permanent institutionalization of war that is part of every fascist and racist regime. The holocaust lives. It is a threat to world peace as pervasive and thorough as nuclear war.


Racism make nuclear war inevitable


KOVEL 1988 (Joel, Distinguished Professor of Social Studies at Bard University, White Racism: A Psychohistory, 1988, p. xxix-xxx)

As people become dehumanized, the states become more powerful and warlike. Metaracism signifies the triumph of technical reasoning in the racial sphere. The same technocracy applies to militarization in general, where it has led to the inexorable drive toward thermonuclear weaponry and the transformation of the state into the nuclear state. There is an indubitable although largely obscure, link between the inner dynamic of a society, including its racism, and the external projection of social violence. Both involve actions taken toward an Other, a term we may define as the negation of the socially affirmed self. Communist, black, Jew—all have been Other to the white West. The Jew has, for a while at least, stepped outside of the role thanks to the integration of Israel within the nations of the West, leaving the black and the Communist to suffer the respective technocratic violences of metaracism and thermonuclear deterrence. Since the initial writing of WHITE RACISM, these closely linked phenomena have grown enormously. Of course, there is a major, cataclysmic difference between the types of technocratic domination. Metaracism can be played out quite a while longer. Indeed, since it is a racism that proceeds on the basis of anti-racism, it appears capable of a vastly greater degree of integration than either dominative or aversive racism, at least under the firmly entrenched conditions of late capitalist society. Thermonuclear deterrence, on the other hand, has already decayed into the apocalyptic logic of first-strike capability (or counterforce means of pursing nuclear war), which threatens to put an end to history itself. Thus the nuclear crisis is now the leading item on the global agenda. If it is not resolved civilization will be exterminated while if it is resolved, the terms of society and the state will undoubtedly be greatly altered. This will of course profoundly affect the racial situation. At the same time the disposition of racism will play a key role in the outcome of the nuclear crisis. For one thing, the effectiveness of an antinuclear movement will depend heavily on its ability to involve people of all races—in contrast to its present makeup, which is almost entirely white and middle class. To achieve such mobilization and carry it through, however, the movement will have to be able to make the linkages between militarization and racial oppression very clearly and forcefully. For if the third, and last world war becomes thermonuclear, it will most likely be in a place defined by racial oppositions.


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