Quantrill's Raid on Lawrence: a question of Complicity by Burton J. Williams
Female Soldiers at the Battle of Antietam
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- Women in the civil war: FIGHTING FOR THE UNION
- Louisa May Alcott’s family
- Mary Ann Bickerdyke Written by: The Editors of Encyclopædia Britannica
- Mary Ann Bickerdyke, née Mary Ann Ball
- Sanitary Commission Pennant Proclaimed Improved Conditions http://americancivilwar.com/sanitary_commision.html
- Excerpts from the diary of Kate Cumming, Confederate nurse.
- Antietam National Battlefield Letters and Diaries of Soldiers and Civilians
- William Child, Major and Surgeon with the 5th Regiment New Hampshire Volunteers
- Sep 15, 1862: http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/confederates-capture-harpers-ferry-virginia
Female Soldiers at the Battle of Antietam Posted on June 18, 2012 by Rebecca Beatrice Brooks http://civilwarsaga.com/female-soldiers-at-the-battle-of-antietam/
According to the book “They Fought Like Demons: Women Soldiers in the American Civil War,” seven of these women at Antietam were Union soldiers and one was a Confederate. Several, although not all, of the female Union soldiers who participated in the battle have been identified but the sole female Confederate’s identity remains a mystery due to the Confederate’s notorious lack of record-keeping. These female Union soldiers included Sarah Emma Edmonds of the 2nd Michigan Infantry, Catherine Davidson of the 28th Ohio Infantry, Mary Galloway, an unidentified pregnant woman from New Jersey who was in her second trimester at the time of the battle, Rebecca Peterman of the 7th Wisconsin Infantry, Ida Remington as well as another unidentified woman. Sarah Edmonds
Mary Galloway was shot in the neck and lay wounded in a ravine for nearly thirty-six hours before she was discovered and carried to a field hospital. According to the book “Woman of Valor: Clara Barton and the Civil War,” Clara Barton, the famous “Angel of the Battlefield,” treated Mary Galloway for her wounds after a male surgeon discovered her in the hospital refusing treatment from the male doctors. Galloway finally allowed the male surgeon to operate on her and remove the bullet that had entered her neck and embedded itself under the skin of her shoulder. She survived and made a full recovery. Women soldiers fought, bled and died in the Civil War, then were forgotten
Women soldiers fought in the First Battle of Bull Run. “There were a great many fanatic women in the Yankee army,” a Georgia Confederate wrote home, “some of whom were killed.” In fighting near Dallas in May 1864, several Confederate women soldiers were killed in an assault on Union lines. “They fought like demons,” Sgt. Robert Ardry of the 11th Illinois Infantry wrote to his father, “and we cut them down like dogs.” Confederate Loreta Janeta Velazquez, disguised as Lt. Harry T. Buford, fought along with five other women soldiers in the Battle of Shiloh. Maria Lewis, an African American passing as a white male soldier, served in the 8th New York Cavalry and “skirmished and fought like the rest,” a fellow soldier wrote. Four Confederate women were promoted to the rank of captain. At least one was a major. “We know that because these women were hiding the fact that they were women, they were fully expected to do everything that any other soldier in the company was expected to do,” Blanton said. “They didn’t get a pass because of their gender. They were hiding their gender.” Even Abraham Lincoln knew of the women in uniform. Mary Ellen Wise, who took a minie ball in the shoulder in the Battle of Lookout Mountain, came to Washington to ask for her back pay. When the paymaster refused, Lincoln “blazed with anger” and ordered the injustice rectified, the Washington Daily Morning Chronicle reported in its story, “Brave Soldier Girl” on Sept. 30, 1874. Civil War Nurses http://www.history.com/topics/american-civil-war/women-in-the-civil-war
With the outbreak of war in 1861, women and men alike eagerly volunteered to fight for the cause. In the Northern states, women organized ladies’ aid societies to supply the Union troops with everything they needed, from food (they baked and canned and planted fruit and vegetable gardens for the soldiers) to clothing (they sewed and laundered uniforms, knitted socks and gloves, mended blankets and embroidered quilts and pillowcases) to cash (they organized door-to-door fundraising campaigns, county fairs and performances of all kinds to raise money for medical supplies and other necessities). But many women wanted to take a more active role in the war effort. Inspired by the work of Florence Nightingale and her fellow nurses in the Crimean War, they tried to find a way to work on the front lines, caring for sick and injured soldiers and keeping the rest of the Union troops healthy and safe. In June 1861, they succeeded: The federal government agreed to create “a preventive hygienic and sanitary service for the benefit of the army” called the United States Sanitary Commission. The Sanitary Commission’s primary objective was to combat preventable diseases and infections by improving conditions (particularly “bad cookery” and bad hygiene) in army camps and hospitals. It also worked to provide relief to sick and wounded soldiers. By war’s end, the Sanitary Commission had provided almost $15 million in supplies–the vast majority of which had been collected by women–to the Union Army. Nearly 20,000 women worked more directly for the Union war effort. Working-class white women and free and enslaved African-American women worked as laundresses, cooks and “matrons,” and some 3,000 middle-class white women worked as nurses. The activist Dorothea Dix, the superintendent of Army nurses, put out a call for responsible, maternal volunteers who would not distract the troops or behave in unseemly or unfeminine ways: Dix insisted that her nurses be “past 30 years of age, healthy, plain almost to repulsion in dress and devoid of personal attractions.” (One of the most famous of these Union nurses was the writer Louisa May Alcott.) Army nurses traveled from hospital to hospital, providing “humane and efficient care for wounded, sick and dying soldiers.” They also acted as mothers and housekeepers–“havens in a heartless world”–for the soldiers under their care.
Louisa May Alcott was born November 29, 1832, to Amos Bronson Alcott, called Bronson, and Abigail May Alcott in Germantown, Pennsylvania. She was the second of four daughters. Alcott’s parents were New Englanders who were part of the mid-19th century social reform movement, supporting the abolition of slavery—even acting as station-masters on the Underground Railroad—and active in the temperance and women’s rights movements. Bronson was a teaching pioneer whose new methods of educating children often didn’t sit well with the communities in which he taught; he de-emphasized rote learning, used a more conversational, didactic style with his students, and avoided traditional punishmentAn idealist, Bronson was capable of ignoring the fact that his family was at times literally surviving on bread and water. Louisa no doubt was thinking of her father when she said many years later, "My definition (of a philosopher) is of a man up in a balloon, with his family and friends holding the ropes which confine him to earth and trying to haul him down." In Boston, Bronson established the Temple School in the fall of 1834, named for the Masonic Temple on Tremont Street in Boston in which classes were held, with about 30 students from wealthy families. The school was as controversial as his previous schools, although he managed to continue operating it for seven years. In 1836, Bronson became a member of a group of liberal intellectuals, including Ralph Waldo Emerson, Henry David Thoreau, and John Muir, who met to discuss their ideas about the general state of American culture and society. The group began the philosophical movement of transcendentalism, which believed that people and nature were both inherently good and pure, and that both are corrupted by society and its institutions. Louisa May Alcott was educated mainly by her father, although Thoreau, Emerson, Nathaniel Hawthorne, and Margaret Fuller—all family friends—also gave her lessons. She began writing when she was young, and she and her sisters acted out some of her stories in plays performed for family and friends. Financial difficulties with Temple School forced the family to leave Boston in 1840 for Concord, Massachusetts, where they lived in a rented cottage, called Hosmer Cottage, for three years. In 1843, they moved briefly to Fruitlands, a Utopian commune established on a farm in Harvard, Massachusetts. Alcott later wrote about the experience in Transcendental Wild Oats, a satire originally published in a New York newspaper in 1873. After seven months, the commune failed; in December, 1843, the Alcotts moved to rented rooms and then back to Hosmer Cottage. Using Abigail’s inheritance and a loan from Emerson, the family purchased a house in Concord across the street from the Emersons that they named Hillside (later renamed Wayside by Nathaniel Hawthorne and his family), moving into it in April, 1845. The following three years were idyllic and happy ones for Alcott that became the basis of her novel Little Women. In 1847, at the age of 15, Louisa had begun working to help support the family, doing any job available, often as a domestic servant or as a teacher. She had vowed to see to it that her family would not remain in poverty. When Bronson moved the family back to Boston in 1849 Alcott continued working and but also began submitting her writing to publishers. In 1851, her first poem, "Sunshine," was published under the pen name of Flora Fairfield in Peterson’s Magazine. Many more poems and short stories followed in various publications, including her first book of short stories, Flower Fables, in 1854. – - Alcott continued working in and around Boston, taking any jobs available to women. In 1862, she had began using the pen name A. M. Barnard to write potboiler melodramas—a few of which were turned into plays and performed in Boston—strictly to earn money. At the outset of the American Civil War, she volunteered to sew clothes and provide other supplies to soldiers. On November 29, 1862, her 30th birthday, she decided to do more: she volunteered to be a nurse in Washington, D.C. She wrote many letters home about her experiences, which she later edited and fictionalized, although she remained true to her experience. Hospital Sketches, published in 1863, confirmed her desire to be a serious writer. – See more at: http://www.historynet.com/louisa-may-alcott#sthash.27qwhyKe.dpuf Mary Ann Bickerdyke Written by: The Editors of Encyclopædia Britannica http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/64664/Mary-Ann-Bickerdyke Mary Ann Bickerdyke, née Mary Ann Ball (born July 19, 1817, Knox county, Ohio, U.S.—died Nov. 8, 1901, Bunker Hill, Kan.), organizer and chief of nursing,hospital, and welfare services for the western armies under the command of General Ulysses S. Grant during the American Civil War. Mary Ann Ball grew up in the houses of various relatives. She attended Oberlin College and later studied nursing. In 1847 she married a widower, Robert Bickerdyke, who died in 1859. Thereafter Mary Ann Bickerdyke supported herself in Galesburg, Illinois, by the practice of “botanic” medicine. Soon after the outbreak of the Civil War, she volunteered to accompany and distribute a collection of supplies taken up for the relief of wounded soldiers at a makeshift army hospital in Cairo, Illinois. On her arrival there she found conditions to be extremely unsanitary, and she set to work immediately at cleaning, cooking, and nursing. She became matron when a general hospital was organized there in November 1861. Following the fall of Fort Donelson in February 1862, she made a number of forays onto the battlefield to search for wounded, and her exploits began to attract general attention. Her alliance with the U.S. Sanitary Commission began about that time. Bickerdyke soon attached herself to the staff of General Ulysses S. Grant, by whom she was given a pass for free transportation anywhere in his command. She followed Grant’s army down the Mississippi River, setting up hospitals as they were needed, and later accompanied the forces of General William Tecumseh Sherman on their march through Georgia to the sea. Through her efforts, provisions were made for frequent medical examinations and for transporting men who could no longer walk. Under Bickerdyke’s supervision, about 300 field hospitals were built with the help of U.S. Sanitary Commission agents. Having scavenged supplies and equipment and established mobile laundries and kitchens, Bickerdyke had generally endeared herself to the wounded and sick, among whom she became known as “Mother” Bickerdyke. To incompetent officers and physicians she was brutal, succeeding in having several dismissed, and she retained her position largely through the influence of Grant, Sherman, and others who recognized the value of her services. During 1866–67 she worked with the Chicago Home for the Friendless, and in 1867, in connection with a plan to settle veterans on Kansas farmland, she opened a boarding house in Salina with backing from the Kansas Pacific Railroad. The venture failed in 1869, and in 1870 she went to New York City to work for the Protestant Board of City Missions. In 1874 she returned to Kansas, where her sons lived, and made herself conspicuously useful in relieving the victims of locust plague. In 1876 Bickerdyke removed to San Francisco, where she secured through Senator John A. Logan, another wartime patron, a position at the U.S. Mint. She also devoted considerable time to the Salvation Army and similar organizations. She worked tirelessly on behalf of veterans, making numerous trips to Washington to press pension claims, and was herself granted a pension of $25 a month by Congress in 1886. She returned to Kansas in 1887 and died there in 1901. Sanitary Commission Pennant Proclaimed Improved Conditions http://americancivilwar.com/sanitary_commision.html
Excerpts from the diary of Kate Cumming, Confederate nurse. April 12 -- I sat up all night, bathing the men's wounds, and giving them water. Every one attending to them seemed completely worn out. Some of the doctors told me that they had scarcely slept since the battle. As far as I have seen, the surgeons are very kind to the wounded, and nurse as well as doctor them. The men are lying all over the house, on their blankets, just as they were brought from the battle-field. They are in the hall, on the gallery, and crowded into very small rooms. The foul air from this mass of human beings at first made me giddy and sick, but I soon got over it. We have to walk, and when we give the men any thing kneel, in blood and water; but we think nothing of it at all. There was much suffering among the patients last night; one old man groaned all the time. He was about sixty years of age, and had lost a leg. He lived near Corinth, and had come there the morning of the battle to see his two sons, who were in the army, and he could not resist shouldering his musket and going into the fight. I comforted him as well as I could. He is a religious man, and prayed nearly all night. Another, a very young man, was wounded in the leg and through the lungs, had a most excruciating cough, and seemed to suffer awfully. One fine-looking man had a dreadful wound in the shoulder. Every time I bathed it he thanked me and seemed grateful. He died this morning before breakfast. Men who were in the room with him told me that he prayed all night. I trust that he is now at rest far from this dreary world of strife and bloodshed. I could fill whole pages with descriptions of the scenes before me. Other ladies have their special patients, whom they never leave. One of them, from Natchez, Miss., has been constantly by a young man, badly wounded, ever since she came here, and the doctors say that she has been the means of saving his life. Many of the others are doing the same. Mrs. Ogden and the Mobile ladies are below stairs. I have not even time to speak to them. Mr. Miller is doing much good; he is comforting the suffering and dying, and has already baptized some. This morning, when passing the front door, a man asked me if I had any thing to eat, which I could give to some men the depot awaiting transportation on the cars. He said that they had eaten nothing for some days. Some of the ladies assisting me, we took them hot coffee, bread and meat. The poor fellows ate eagerly, and seemed so thankful. One of the men, who was taking care of them, asked me where I was from. When I replied Mobile, he said that Mobile was the best place in the Confederacy. He was a member of the Twenty-first Alabama Regiment; I have forgotten his name. I have been busy all day, and can scarcely tell what I have been doing; I have not taken time to even eat, and certainly not time to sit down. There seems to be no order. All do as they please. We have men for nurses, and the doctors complain very much at the manner in which they are appointed; they are detailed from the different regiments, like guards. We have a new set every few hours. I can not see how it is possible for them to take proper care of the men, as nursing is a thing that has to be learned, and we should select our best men for it -- as I am certain that none but good, conscientious persons will ever do justice to the patients. Cumming, Kate. A journal of hospital life in the Confederate army of Tennessee, from the battle of Shiloh to the end of the war: with sketches of life and character, and brief notices of current events during that period. Louisville: John P. Morgan & Co.; New Orleans: W. Evelyn, c. 1866. Confederate Soldiers (Letters) Antietam National Battlefield Letters and Diaries of Soldiers and Civilians http://www.nps.gov/anti/forteachers/upload/Letters%20and%20Diaries%20of%20Soldiers%20and%20Civilians.pdf Sunday Sept. 21, 1862 Dear Folks, On the 8th we struck up the refrain of "Maryland, My Maryland!" and camped in an apple orchard. We went hungry, for six days not a morsel of bread or meat had gone in our stomachs - and our menu consisted of apple; and corn. We toasted, we burned, we stewed, we boiled, we roasted these two together, and singly, until there was not a man whose form had not caved in, and who had not a bad attack of diarrhea. Our under-clothes were foul and hanging in strips, our socks worn out, and half of the men were bare-footed, many were lame and were sent to the rear; others, of sterner stuff, hobbled along and managed to keep up, while gangs from every company went off in the surrounding country looking for food. . . Many became ill from exposure and starvation, and were left on the road. The ambulances were full, and the whole route was marked with a sick, lame, limping lot, that straggled to the farmhouses that lined the way, and who, in all cases, succored and cared for them. . . In an hour after the passage of the Potomac the command continued the march through the rich fields of Maryland. The country people lined the roads, gazing in open-eyed wonder upon the long lines of infantry . . .and as far as the eye could reach, was the glitter of the swaying points of the bayonets. It was the Ursi ragged Rebels they had ever seen, and though they did not act either as friends or foes, still they gave liberally, and every haversack was full that day at least. No houses were entered - no damage was done, and the farmers in the vicinity must have drawn a long breath as they saw how safe their property was in the very midst of the army. Alexander Hunter William Child, Major and Surgeon with the 5th Regiment New Hampshire Volunteers September 22, 1862 (Battlefield Hospital near Sharpsburg) My Dear Wife; Day before yesterday I dressed the wounds of 64 different men - some having two or three each. Yesterday I was at work from daylight till dark - today I am completely exhausted - but stall soon be able to go at it again. The days after the battle are a thousand times worse than the day of the battle – and the physical pain is not the greatest pain suffered. How awful it is - you have not can have until you see it any idea of affairs after a battle. The dead appear sickening but they suffer no pain. But the poor wounded mutilated soldiers that yet have life and sensation make a most horrid picture. I pray God may stop such infernal work - through perhaps he has sent it upon us for our sins. Great indeed must have been our sins if such is our punishment. Our Reg. Started this morning for Harpers Ferry - 14 miles. I am detailed with others to remain here until the wounded are removed - then join the Reg. With my nurses. I expect there will be another great fight at Harpers Ferry. Carrie I dreamed of home night before last. I love to dream of home it seems so much like really being there. I dreamed that I was passing Hibbards house and saw you and Lud. in the window. After then I saw you in some place I cannot really know where -you kissed me - and told me you loved me - though you did not the first time you saw me. Was not that quite a soldier dream? In this letter I send you a bit of gold lace such as the rebel officers have. This I cut from a rebel officers coat on the battlefield. He was a Lieut. I have made the acquaintance of two rebel officers - prisoners in our hands. One is a physician - both are masons - both very intelligent, gentlemanly men. Each is wounded in the leg. They are great favorites with our officers. One of them was brought off the field in hottest of the fight by our 5th N.H. officers - he giving them evidence of his being a mason. Now do write soon. Kisses to you Clint & Kate. Love to all. Yours as ever W.C. October 14, 1862 Harper's Ferry Dear Brothers and Sisters, I wish that I was home today; I have got a very mean job. You know that we lost our good Captain and now they think they must put me on guard, and I sit right down on the ground and write just as fast as I can to let you know how I am getting along. Not much you had better believe. My hearing is not as good as it was when I left Madison, and my health has not been good since I was on this hill not far from Harper's Ferry, but I keep about and train all the time is wanted of me. It seems rather hard to be a soldier, but I have got to be one after all, I think. But I can tell you one thing: If I ever live to get home, I won't be another I can tell you, but I suppose that you are making some cider. If you get a chance to send me anything, send me some cider put up in bottles, and some apples and a little bottle of pain killer, and don't try to send me any cake or anything that will get smashed, but I want anything that will keep a week. I have not any news to send you today because I wrote to you the other day and suppose that you will get that first. Give my love to all the neighbors and tell Mister Hill that I received his letter and was glad to hear from him and will try and answer him as soon as possible. Tell little Charley that I think a great deal of his letter. I used to say that he could read better than I could read better than I could and he beats me at writing and spelling both, and I could read it very fast, his letter. I am glad to hear that your crops are as good and I hope that all the folks are good because we don't have nothing to eat here, and so I hopes you have got something to eat there. I will try and answer as fast as I can, but won't you answer me as fast you can because that it makes me feel pleased to hear from home. Give my love to all the folks and tell them I want to see them all. From a brother, John Redfield, 13th New Jersey Civil War :Confederates capture Harpers Ferry Sep 15, 1862: http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/confederates-capture-harpers-ferry-virginia Confederate General Thomas "Stonewall" Jackson captures Harpers Ferry, Virginia(present-day West Virginia), and some 12,000 Union soldiers as General Robert E. Lee's army moves north into Maryland. The Federal garrison inside Harpers Ferry was vulnerable to a Confederate attack after Lee's invasion of Maryland in September. The strategic town on the Potomac River was cut off from the rest of the Union army. General George B. McClellan, commander of the Army of the Potomac, sent messages to Union General Dixon Miles, commander of the Harpers Ferry garrison, to hold the town at all costs. McClellan promised to send help, but he had to deal with the rest of the Confederate army. Jackson rolled his artillery into place and began to shell the town on September 14. The Yankees were short on ammunition, and Miles offered little resistance before agreeing to surrender on the morning of September 15. As Miles' aid, General Julius White, rode to Jackson to negotiate surrender terms, one Confederate cannon continued to fire. Miles was mortally wounded by the last shot fired at Harpers Ferry. The Yankees surrendered 73 artillery pieces, 13,000 rifles, and some 12,000 men at Harpers Ferry. It was the largest single Union surrender of the war. The fall of Harpers Ferry convinced Lee to change his plans. After suffering heavy losses on September 14 in Maryland at the Battle of South Mountain, to the northeast of Harpers Ferry, Lee had intended to gather his scattered troops and return to Virginia. Now, with Harpers Ferry secure, he summoned Jackson to join the rest of his force around Sharpsburg, Maryland. Two days later, on September 17, Lee and McClellan fought theBattle of Antietam.
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