This represents the mandate of the peoples of the Southern

la Republique du Cameroun

14.4 Five Anglophone activists, namely: Wilson Arrey from Eyumojog in the South-West

Province, Abel Apong from Ngwo in the North-West Province, John Kudi from Esimbi

in the North-West Province, Chryspus Keenebie from Ngie also in the North-West

Province, Jacques Njenta from Nkambe in the North-West Province, were arrested in

September 1995 in connection with the Signature Referendum exercise among the

predominantly North-West workers in

on the instructions of Mr. John Niba Ngu, the then General Manager of

whisked off to the maximum security prison in Kondengui in Yaoundé in

du Cameroun

five years. Barrister Joseph MBAH NDAM stumbled on them by chance during his

defence of the 61 Anglophone detainees at the military tribunal in June 1999. It took the

regime five whole years to bow to international pressure, specifically from the Swiss-

Cameroon Solidarity Group in Bern, Switzerland; led by the ebullient Rev. Markus Wyss,

one time principal of CPC Bali, before those

unceremoniously released on 6 November 2000. They were suddenly released on

November 6, 2000, by a collaborative Anglophone Supreme Court Judge, Justice George

Gwanmesia, who originally signed their incarceration warrants in the first place,

ostensibly on the instructions of Mr. Paul Biya. The gates of the prison were simply

thrown open and the FIVE were told to walk out and go home with the warning to stay

clear of the SCNC for Cameroon remains one and indivisible. Nobody thought it

necessary to give them some money for transport to their various destinations.

15

now pending before the Commission.SOCAPALM plantation in the outskirts of DoualaSOCAPALM, and

15.1 When one country (the Federation of Nigeria on one hand and

Cameroun on

jurisdiction over another country (the former British Cameroons), exercising complete

dominion over it and denying it the right to govern itself, this is annexation; it is

colonisation. The annexationist state may co-opt quislings or collaborators from the

annexed territory into its administration, army, police, and gendarmerie. It may even give

the vote and offer its citizenship to the natives of the annexed territory. All that changes

nothing. It does not make the colonised territory a part of the colonising state but, in fact,

confirms the fact of annexation.(*

15.2 The only office which states, by some written or unwritten law, tend to reserve for

their true and genuine nationals is that of Head of State. This fact was dramatically

brought home to citizens of the Southern Cameroons (Anglophone Cameroon) after the

28

presidential elections of October 1992. One of us, Ni John Fru Ndi, who presumed to be

ruler ship (France) that the office was a reserved domain for citizens of

Cameroun

in

la Republique duthe other) forcibly and/or fraudulently assumes total and unwarrantedCarlson Anyangwe).la Republique du Cameroun was told by thela Republique duonly. FRU NDI, a bona fide citizen of the Southern Cameroons, is a stranger

15.3 The same is true of Mr. ABUBAKAR ATIKU, President Obasanjo’s running mate,

who was denied to run for the presidency of the Federation of Nigeria in the recently

concluded presidential elections in that country ostensibly because of alleged financial

impropriety. The real reason he was denied to run for the presidency of Nigeria is that he

is a

16. Let us go back and pick up the threads of Fr. Antoine Chonang’s interview with His

Eminence Christian Wiyghan Cardinal TUMI in October 2003:

Fr. Antoine:

We talked about the 1992 elections which, according to well informed sources, were won

by the opposition. But how can we explain the silence of western embassies especially

France that is generally quick to denounce injustices here and there in the world?

His Eminence:

It would appear that it is because of France that the situation did not change.

Fr. Antoine:

That is?

Instead of denouncing this civil coup d’Etat, France was an accomplice. A French

Minister said publicly: “an Anglophone shall never be in Etoudi”. (

presidential palace in Yaoundé

ETOUDI is the

).

17.

It has been argued by the annexationists that the Plebiscite Covenant by which the

peoples of the Southern Cameroons voted to join

binding instrument or treaty. Various Southern Cameroons liberation movements, from

Fon Gorji Dinka of Ambazonia, through the Cameroon Anglophone Movement (CAM) -

now the Southern Cameroons Restoration Movement (SCARM), to the SCNC, the

Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL), and now runner up SCAPO, were misled by

29

this argument and so waged to struggle for the liberation of the territory from a wrong

fraus omnia vitiat

null and void

which violates the principles of international law embodied in the UN Charter, is

therefore void and no longer valid.

17.1 Southern Cameroons liberation movements have each shown how the United

Nations General Assembly by amending the Fourth Committee’s Resolution A/C.4/F/685

violated the Plebiscite Covenant. They have also shown how

Cameroun

and progressively violated the inherent and inalienable rights of the territory and peoples

of the the Southern Cameroons and consequently the Plebiscite Covenant.

17.2 The peoples of the Southern Cameroons went into the United Nations-imposed

union with

NATION-TWO PEOPLES were shattered by the bad faith, dishonesty, fraud, and

fundamental breaches of trust underpinning a hidden agenda of the Francophones to

annex and assimilate the territory and its peoples, willy-nilly, into Francophonie.

17.3 The peoples of the British Southern Cameroons have been denied their right of equal

belonging in a union they voted to join under agreed terms, in addition to the denial of

those rights prescribed by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. They have been

made to toil for the francophone majority to reap the fruits; and they have to fight and

blackmail one another for the crumbs. This is camouflaged slavery at the dawn of the

third millennium. This has made the Southern Cameroons unable to contribute as a

people to their political, economic, social and cultural progress and play a meaningful

role in the community of nations as it should have been doing if it where an independent

nation on its own. The peoples of the Southern Cameroons want to reassert that challenge

with the human resources made up of a population of over 6 million and endowed with an

abundance of natural resources that are either untapped or being exploited to maintain a

French tele-guided dictatorship in place to continue to protect the economic interests of

the neo-colonialists and France.

, that is,

18. The Philosophy of the Force of Argument, Not the Argument of Force:

18.1 The SCNC took a hard look at the fratricidal conflicts plaguing the African

continent; from Mozambique to Angola, from Sudan to Somalia, from Liberia to Sierra

Leone, from the Casamance to Algeria, from Rwanda/Burundi to the Congos. We thought

that we could slowly but confidently educate the United Nations and the Organisation of

African Unity (now the African Union) by using the weapon of “THE FORCE OF

ARGUMENT” to show why the Southern Cameroons has to become an independent

nation. Recent events in the territory brought about by the Biya regime’s arrogance and

30

intransigence, refusal to dialogue, its institutionalisation of fraud (electoral and

derailment of the democratic process seem to point the way to “THE ARGUMENT OF

FORCE”, the universally accepted solution to the conflict now prevailing between the

Southern Cameroons and

18.2 The Way to Peace, therefore is not to prepare for war (

Want us to believe)

as Mr. Paul Biya would

18.2.1 The Federation of Nigeria and l

United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on

Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political

Rights and the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political

Rights as well as the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights and in particular,

Article 4b of that Charter on the respect of borders inherited at independence.

18.2.2 When

Southern Cameroons Autonomous Territory was not part of l

In a similar vein, when the Federation of Nigeria became independent on 1

1960, the Northern Cameroons Autonomous territory was not part of the Federation of

Nigeria since the UN had separated the UN Territory of the Cameroons under United

Kingdom Administration from the latter before 1

19.3

- Requires both the Federation of Nigeria and

renounce the use of force as an instrument of policy in their dealings with the

peoples of the UN Territory of the Cameroons formerly under United Kingdom

Administration.

- It also requires the United Nations to supervise and ensure the proper

implementation of United Nations Resolution 1608 (XV) using its Mechanism for

Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution; and not hide behind the state

practice of non-interference in the internal affairs of member states.

- Through its own programme of Conflict Prevention, Management and

Resolution, the United Nations is well placed to intervene in the conflict between

the Southern Cameroons and

peaceful resolution and so avoid another disastrous shooting war in Africa. The

United Nations also has established mechanisms with which to promote and

protect the universal and internationally protected code of the human rights of

minorities, indigenous peoples and other vulnerable groups against discriminatory

31

and abusive practices and to assist governments in carrying out their

- The Special Committee of 24 on Decolonisation should re-visit the British

Cameroons file in order to see for themselves that the Declaration on the Granting

of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples was not implemented in the

case of the peoples of the British Cameroons at the termination of the Trusteeship

Agreement.

20. The Millennium Goals:

20.1 It would be recalled that when the 147 Heads of State and Government together

with representatives of 191 nations assembled at the Millennium Summit in New York,

from 6-8 September 2000, and adopted the United Nations Millennium Declaration, they

reaffirmed their faith in the United Nations and their commitment to the principles and

purposes of the Charter as indispensable foundations of a more peaceful, prosperous and

just world. They also ‘

peoples who remain under colonial domination and foreign occupation and to the

respect of human rights and fundamental freedoms’

20.2 The cause of the peoples of the UN Territory of the Cameroons formerly under

United Kingdom Administration is not only a just one; it is irrefutable as the facts are

compelling. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on

Civil and Political Rights, and the A.U. Charter on Human and Peoples Rights all put the

case of self-determination for the annexed, oppressed and exploited peoples of the

Southern Cameroons beyond the pale of the so-called internal affairs of

Cameroun

rededicated themselves to the right to self-determination of.la République duand egocentric solidarity with France. Self-determination is a human right.

21. The Concept of the UN Territory of the Cameroons formerly under British

Administration and Light at the end of the Tunnel at last.

21.1 For nearly 46 years, the peoples of the Southern Cameroons in particular had

predicated their struggle for self-determination and independence on the premise that

there was a legal union between the Southern Cameroons and

Cameroun

collective 46 years waging our struggle from a false premise: first, that there was a legal

federation in international law between the Southern Cameroons and

Cameroun

liberation movements irrelevant.

21.2 The break through came on 21 March 2003; one of us, Professor Martin CHIA

ATEH, a diligent researcher into the workings of the United Nations system, with the

32

support of UNESCO and the United Nations University of Peace, both scientific organs

startling revelation, which he addressed to the Secretary-General of the United Nations

Organisation on:

la Republique du. That was a false premise. Southern Cameroons liberation movements spent a

la Republique du; and second, that the Southern Cameroons could become independent in its

“The Non-Execution of UNO Resolution 1608 (XV) paragraphs 4a & 5 of 21 April

1961 on the Future of the Trust territory of the Cameroons under United Kingdom

Administration: No Treaties of the Union were worked out between:

a)

Territory of Northern Cameroons;

b)

Cameroun”.

UNO Resolution 1608 (XV) states:

para 4: “Decide que les plebiscites ayant eu lieu separement avec des resultants

differents, l’Accord de tutelle du 13 Decembre1946 relatif au

Camerounsous administration du Royaume Uni prendra fin,

conformement a l’aliena b de Article 76 de la Charte des Nations Unies

et en accord avec l’autorite administrante, dans les conditiones suivantes:

a) En ce qui concerne le Cameroun Septentrional, le 1er Juin 1961, au

moment ou le Cameroun Septentrional s’unira a la federation de Nigeria

en tant que province Separee de la Region du Nord de la Nigeria;

para 5: “Invite l’Autorite administrante, le Governement du cameroun

meridional et la Republique du Cameroun a entamer d’urgence des

pourparles afin de prende, avant le 1er Octobre 1961, les dispositions

necessaires pour que soient mises en oeuvre les politique concertees et

declarees des parties interessees.

994eme séance pleniere

21 Avril 1961.

[Translation:

para 4:

Different results, the Trusteeship Agreement of 13

should end pursuant to Article 76(b) of the United Nations Charter and

in agreement with the Administering Authority under the following

conditions:

a)

Cameroons would join the Federation of Nigeria as a separate province of the

Para 5: “Calls on the Administering Authority, the Government of the Southern

Cameroons and la Republique du Cameroun to immediately open talks in

order to make necessary arrangements, before 1

33

implementation of the policies agreed on and declared by the interested

994

th Plenary session

21.3 Northern Cameroons Autonomous Territory:

21.3.1 The above Article 4a required that an Agreement (or Treaty) of the Union between

the Government of the Federation of Nigeria and the autonomous Territory of the

Northern Cameroons with the United Kingdom as Administering Authority of the

Northern Cameroons Territory (part of the Trust territory of the Cameroons under United

Kingdom Administration) be worked out before 1

was to protect the interests and rights of the inhabitants of both Northern Cameroons and

those of the Federation of Nigeria. The worked out Agreement (or Treaty) should have

been ratified by the Northern Cameroons Autonomous Territorial Assembly and the

Parliament of the Federation of Nigeria, and the Agreement (or Treaty) should have been

registered and a copy deposited in the Secretariat of the Secretary-General of the United

Nations Organisation in application of Article 102(1) of the United Nations Charter. That

Article 102(1) states:

st June1961. The Agreement (or Treaty)

“Every Treaty and every international agreement entered into by any member of

the United Nations after the present Charter comes into force shall as soon as

possible be registered with the Secretariat and published by it”.

21.3.2 The Federation of Nigeria, itself already independent on 01/10/1960, had become

a member of the United Nations Organisation (UNO) on 7

Res.1402 (XV) of 07/10/1960). So it was aware of the above Article 102(1) of the United

Nations Charter.

21.3.3 Unfortunately, the agreement (or treaty) was never worked out. What is found

today is the following: since 1

Minister of the Federation of Nigeria, in a ceremony at Mubi formally took possession of

the Northern Cameroons Autonomous Territory. The Northern Cameroons Autonomous

Territory has moved through the following appellations in Nigeria’s administration,

namely: from Northern Cameroons Autonomous Territory to Sardauna Province, then

Gongola State and part of Bornu State, and today it “forms” parts of the following states

of the Federation of Nigeria:- Bornu State, Adamawa State, Taraba State.

21.3.4 So the extension of the administration of the Federation of Nigeria to the Northern

Cameroons Autonomous Territory was from the onset – 01/06/1961 – illegal and

illegitimate in international law and a violation of Article 102(1) of the United Nations

Charter. It was an invasion. It was a violation of the Northern Cameroons’ right to Self-

Determination and Independence. So the present administration of President Olusegun

Obasanjo/ President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua of the Federation of Nigeria on the Northern

34

Cameroons Autonomous Territory is still illegal and illegitimate in internal law and a

21.4

Paragraph 5 under reference above required that a Treaty of the Union between the

Government of the Southern Cameroons and

Kingdom as Administering Authority of the Southern Cameroons (part of the Trust

Territory of the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration) be worked out before

1

the Southern Cameroons and those of

parliament of

and a copy deposited in the Secretariat of the Secretary-General of the United Nations

Organisation in application of Article 102(1) of the United Nations Charter which states:

“Every Treaty and every international agreement entered into by any member of

the United nations after the present Charter comes into force shall as soon as

possible be registered with the secretariat and published by it”.

21.4.1 La Republique du Cameroun,

become a member of the United Nations Organisation on 20/09/1960 (UNO Res. 1476

(XV) of 20/09/1960). So it was aware of the above Article 102(1) of the United Nations

Charter.

following, namely:

1. On 1

Mr. Ahmadou AHIDJO, the then President of

it on the peoples of the Southern Cameroons and their Territory on 1

1961. This is what Article 1, paragraph 1, and Article 59 of Mr. AHIDJO’s

Constitution of the Federal Republic of Cameroon which came into effect on 1

itself already independent on 1st January 1960, hadst September 1961 in Yaoundé, la Republique du Cameroun,la Republique du Cameroun revised

la Republique du Cameroun of 21 February 1960 and imposedst Octoberst

October 1961 state:

Article 1, paragraph 1:

“The Federal Republic of Cameroon is formed, as from 1

territory of the Republic of Cameroun, henceforth called East Cameroun, and

the Territory of the Southern Cameroons formerly under United Kingdom

Administration, henceforth called West Cameroon”.

st October 1961, of the

35

Article 59:

21

on 1

st February 1960 by the Cameroonian people is revised, shall enter into forcest October 1961. The revised constitution shall be published in French and

21.4.3 Mr. Ahidjo’s federal constitution of 01/10/1961 on Southern Cameroons’

Territory was a violation of paragraph 5 of UNO Res.1608 (XV) of 21/04/1961 for a

Treaty of Union to be worked out between the Southern Cameroons Territory and

Republique du Cameroun.

21.4.4 The United Kingdom signed an EDICT on 27/09/1961 ending its administration of

the Southern Cameroons Trust Territory without ensuring that a Treaty was worked out

between the Southern Cameroons and

the above UNO Resolution and the Trusteeship Agreement signed on 13 December 1946

with the United Nations Organisation in New York.

21.4.5 So Mr. Ahidjo’s extension of his administration to the Southern Cameroons

Territory was from the onset – 01/10/1961 – illegal and illegitimate in international Law.

It was an invasion. It was a violation of Southern Cameroons’ right to Self-Determination

and Independence. So the present administration of Mr. Paul Biya on the Southern

Cameroons Territory is still illegal and illegitimate in international law and a violation of

Article 102(1) of the United Nations Charter.

21.4.6 The United Nations Secretary-General who should have ensured that UNO

Resolution 1608 (XV), paragraph 5, of 21/04/1961 was executed, H. E. Dag

Hammarskjold died in a plane crash in Africa in September 1961. His successor, H.E. U

Thant, was appointed Acting Secretary-General in November 1961. So in September

1961 and October 1961 there was no full Secretary-General of the United Nations

Organisation who could have ensured the full and legal execution of the UNO Resolution

1608 (XV), paragraph 5, of 21/04/1961 on Southern Cameroons future.

21.5