Resolved: The United States federal government should substantially increase its economic and/or diplomatic engagement with the People’s Republic of China



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Pressure Counterplan

Vocabulary

Pressure: Placing force on a country. The CP argues that instead of using diplomacy and cooperation, the US should just tell China to do the plan. Every Aff would involve some compromise, but the CP says that the US should be strong/hardline and force China to do the Aff.

Hegemony/Primacy: The US’s military and diplomatic power. The Neg argues that compromise and cooperation make the US look weak—especially when other countries ignore us. This power is essential to keeping the world safe through threats, protecting our allies, and the general fear of US force.

Beijing: Capital of China. When a piece of evidence says “Beijing”, it means the government and political officials representing China.

Chinese Communist Party (CCP): Main political party of China. They have large control over the entire country and believe in a strong government with control over the people and economy. Xi Jinping is the leader of the party.


AT=Answers To

1NC Human Rights Pressure CP

Counterplan Text: The United States Federal Government should pressure China on human rights issues




  1. Solvency: The U.S. needs to adopt a hardline stance on human rights issues with China- historically, China has responded to threats, not soft diplomatic approaches



Inboden and Chen, 2012 [Rana Siu Rana Siu Inboden is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Politics and International Relations at the University of Oxford, UK and Titus C. Chen is an Assistant Research Fellow at the Institute of International Relations, National Chengchi University, Taiwan. “China’s Response to International Normative Pressure: The Case of Human Rights”, July https://www.ciaonet.org/attachments/21049/uploads]
The 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and the resulting international condemnation was a turning point that significantly altered Beijing’s relationship with the human rights regime. China faced unprecedented international pressure, including UN censure, Western government sanctions, the suspension of high-level bilateral meetings, a freeze on World Bank and Asian Development Bank loans, and the cancellation of bilateral cooperation in a number of areas.18 The passage of a resolution on China by UN Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities in August 1989 marked the first time a permanent member of the Security Council was censured by this body.19 China continued to experience greater human rights scrutiny and normative pressure as the SubCommission passed another resolution in 1991 and UNCHR member states attempted to adopt resolutions condemning PRC human rights abuses.20 Although China defeated the passage of UNCHR resolutions by using no-action motions, the mere threat of censure in the Commission and the annual fight over the resolutions were embarrassing to Beijing. As a result, Beijing began to seek to lessen normative pressure.

2NC/1NR Solvency Human Rights Extensions



  1. The Counterplan solves better than the aff. Attempts to merely engage China on human rights issues failed, but historically, sustained pressure has worked.



PBS, 2012 Public Broadcasting Service, NewsHour, “Should U.S. Pressure China More on Human Rights?” http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/world-jan-june12-humanrights_05-01/
GWEN IFILL: As Secretary of State Clinton arrives in China for a previously scheduled visit, the Obama administration’s human rights policy is back in the spotlight. Judy Woodruff has the story. JUDY WOODRUFF: For many, the images from the 1989 crackdown in Tiananmen Square remain the most vivid example of human rights violations in China. In 1992, then candidate Bill Clinton denounced those he called the butchers of Beijing. Eight years later, nearing the end of his time in office, President Clinton signed legislation creating permanent normal trade relations with China. FORMER PRESIDENT BILL CLINTON: The more China opens its markets, the more it unleashes the power of economic freedom, the more likely it will be to more fully liberate the human potential of its people. (APPLAUSE) JUDY WOODRUFF: In August of 2008, President George W. Bush criticized China’s human rights record during a speech in Thailand. FORMER PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH: America stands in firm opposition to China’s detention of political dissidents and human rights advocates and religious activists. JUDY WOODRUFF: The next day, Mr. Bush attended the opening ceremonies at the Summer Olympics in Beijing. And in 2009, China was one of the stops on Hillary Clinton’s first trip as secretary of state. At the time, she said, “Pressing on those human rights issues can’t interfere with the global economic crisis, the global climate change crisis, and the security crisis.” But now escaped dissident Chen Guangcheng is apparently under the protection of American diplomats in Beijing, and human rights is back at the forefront of U.S.-Chinese relations. Secretary Clinton acknowledged as much on Monday before leaving for a long-scheduled trip to China. SECRETARY OF STATE HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON: I can certainly guarantee that we will be discussing every matter, including human rights, that is pending between us. JUDY WOODRUFF: That’s on top of an agenda that includes the nuclear programs in Iran and North Korea and a longstanding dispute over China’s currency valuation. Two views now on how the Obama administration has handled human rights, among the many issues on the U.S.-China agenda. Kenneth Lieberthal directs the China Center at the Brookings Institution. He served on the National Security Council staff during the Clinton administration. And Sophie Richardson is the advocacy director for the Asia Division of Human Rights Watch. And we thank you both for being with us. Sophie Richardson, do you first. And briefly tell us what is the state of human rights right now in China, and has it improved at all in the last few years? SOPHIE RICHARDSON, Human Rights Watch: Well, look, we’re at a point in time where the Chinese government has made numerous commitments to uphold and protect rights on paper, and indeed the constitution was amended to that effect in 2004. And yet very few of those laws are actually upheld in the breach with respect to the use of the death penalty, the lack of due process, enforced disappearances, arbitrary detention, really garden variety difficulties in people accessing justice. So, I think the gaps between what’s on paper and what happens in reality is quite significant still. JUDY WOODRUFF: So how do you size up how the Obama administration has done in dealing with this? SOPHIE RICHARDSON: Well, the administration, I think, got off to quite a wobbly start in the first year-and-a-half, but sort of I think found its voice and found some greater confidence to talk about these issues and engage in some of the more established diplomatic practices. I don’t know that they really kept up necessarily as the situation has deteriorated over the last year-and-a-half. And what we would really like to see them do is not just integrate human rights concerns across a much broader and more complicated bilateral relationship than what the U.S. and China had 10 or 15 years ago, but to also do a better job of not just welcoming the Chinese government’s rise, as is mentioned in almost every speech, but to also welcome the rise of people like Chen Guangcheng and the work that they’re trying to do to hold their own government accountable, largely because that’s consistent with what the administration has said it wants.


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