Resolved: The United States federal government should substantially increase its economic and/or diplomatic engagement with the People’s Republic of China


NC/1NR Human Rights EU CP AT: the EU already regulates



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2NC/1NR Human Rights EU CP AT: the EU already regulates

  1. Currently, the EU does not institute strong limits to their MNC’s across the globe



Goelzer, 2014 [Daniel, strategic role in the Baker & McKenzie's global corporate, securities, and banking compliance practices. He has more than 35 years of securities law experience, including service in senior positions at both the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) and the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board, “Mandated Corporate Social Responsibility Reporting: Coming Soon to a Country Regulating You”, September 9, http://globalcompliancenews.com/mandated-corporate-social-responsibility-reporting-20140909/]
The EU Directive is expected to affect roughly 6,000 public companies who file in Europe. According to the EU, only 10 percent of those companies currently report information required to be disclosed in the EU Directive, so the EU Directive will dramatically increase the number of EU companies reporting environmental and social information. Further, the Directive obligates the EU Commission to evaluate the implementation of the Directive and provide a report within four years, including recommendations for further legislation. The EU Directive must now be adopted by the EU Member States in the Council and then be implemented into national laws by Member States within two years after the Directive enters into force. The Directive does not displace individual member country CSR reporting requirements such as those in France, leaving open for multinationals operating throughout the region complicated questions regarding whether to file one or multiple reports within Europe. Further, while the Directive provides for the issuance of “nonbinding” CSR performance guidelines and indicators, if such guidelines are developed, they could become functionally definitional in multiple markets as the applicable standard or methodology. For that reason, even for those who do not file in Europe, the progression of the EU CSR reporting requirements merits careful monitoring due to its potential major global market impact.

1NC Currency Manipulation European Union CP

Counterplan text: The European Union should substantially increase its economic engagement with China over issues of currency manipulation




  1. Solvency: The EU has the diplomatic capital and economic tools to challenge China’s devaluation of its currency- Now is the key time for the EU to stand up to China and reverse this trend



European Council on Foreign Relations, February 2016 [Think tank committed to gathering information about the EU, “China’s slowdown and Europe’s leverage”, Feb. 12, http://www.ecfr.eu/article/commentary_chinas_slowdown_and_europes_leverage5098]
The Commissioner is right, of course. But how far back must one go to find an instance of the European “weakling” talking so bluntly to the rising Chinese giant? Evaluations of China’s real level of public or government backed indebtedness are mounting because in an unfavourable global climate, monetary creation and credit must be expanded to soften the shock of domestic economic transition. Only two years ago, most member states were falling over themselves to prevent the EU from sanctioning China over solar panel dumpings. Today, seven member states – including France, Germany and the UK – have asked the Commission to be tougher on China’s steel exports to Europe. There is no Western, global or speculative conspiracy against China. But the country, which has for so long depended on the diplomatic leverage granted by its economic power, finds it is on its own. The need to rekindle growth and to carry forward massive debts implies that developed economies – read the West plus Japan – will keep a lax monetary policy for the foreseeable future. It means that they are unlikely to accommodate China’s need for a lower renminbi. It is therefore Chinese market players and outside speculators who are doing the job – betting on China’s downturn and lessened competitiveness by short selling the Chinese currency. There is no Western, global or speculative conspiracy against China. But the country, which has for so long depended on the leverage granted by its economic power, may suddenly find itself on its own. For Europeans, this is a moment which should be seized. The debate on whether to go ahead with market economy status for China is taking place at the European Parliament. At the same time, China has for years stalled on negotiations on a bilateral investment treaty with Europe, and still has not moved forward with tangible concessions. On these twin issues, there are two mistakes to avoid. One would be to repeat what David Cameron and, to a lesser degree, Angela Merkel have already done: call loudly for a free trade pact that de facto implies market economy status. Unconditional support for China instead of for European negotiators simply weakens Europe’s hand. The other mistake is to be taken in by special interest groups of manufacturers and to exclude market economy status for mercantilist reasons or perhaps simply just because China’s hand is weakening. Commissioner Malmström’s approach – mixing a strong call to China for reforms with an acceptance in principle of market economy status – is the right one A long term and strategic approach matters in the relationship with China. What Europe should look for is a quid pro quo with China, for mutual concessions and a winning compromise. China should understand that market economy status is not its birthright, and that it will fail – including in the European Parliament and in the court of public opinion – if it does not cooperate on Europe’s other demands regarding access to China’s markets. Commissioner Malmström’s approach – mixing a strong call to China for reforms with an acceptance in principle of market economy status – is the right one. EU member states, should not pre-empt the Commission’s mandate by making their own unconditional statements, or by trying to gain individual advantage through lobbying for China. They should get in line, and reinforce the European Commission’s dual message to China: we are open for business, but you must deal with our requests instead of stonewalling us and counting on our internal divisions. For nearly a decade, Europe’s leverage with China has steadily declined because of its own internal issues. Now there is a chance to rebalance the relationship, not by rejecting China, but by making it understand the need to show more goodwill in negotiations that it had been indefinitely delaying or stalling.


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