AT: Israel Wars (From Terrorist Attack)
Conflict from terrorism against Israel won’t escalate – states won’t get involved
Rubin, 2006 - Director of the Global Research in International Affairs (GLORIA) Center of the Interdisciplinary Center (IDC) in Herzliya, Israel (Barry, Foreign Affairs, July-August, “Israel's New Strategy”, p. lexis
At the same time, a number of other developments suggested that although the conflict would continue, it would not spread or escalate. For one, Saddam's fall removed a major threat. Meanwhile, other Arab regimes -- challenged by Islamists and strategically weak -- started to be willing to sacrifice some of their support for the Palestinians in exchange for improved relations with the United States. Even if they would not make peace with Israel, they also did not want war, and their support for the Palestinians hit rock bottom. And all of this reinforced the trends set off by the ending of the Cold War and the consequent shift in the international balance of power. Israel's security environment started to look very different. Arab armies and arms appeared less dangerous, and occupying territory became less important than having clear defensive lines that did not enclose a hostile population.
AT: Israel Wars (Other Countries)
War against Israel won’t escalate – just small proxy wars
Sappenfield, 06 - staff writer (Mark, Christian Science Monitor, “Wider war in Middle East? Not likely”, 6/18, lexis)
Of the dangers presented by the conflict between Israel and Hizbullah in southern Lebanon, the possibility of a broader Middle East war is among the less likely.
In the 1967 Arab-Israeli war - and repeatedly since - Israel has shown its clear military supremacy. So dominant has been Israel's advantage in both technology and tactics that former foes such as Jordan and Egypt sued for peace in those wars, while Tel Aviv's avowed enemies - Syria and Iran - have turned to backing terrorists.
At this moment, the calculus doesn't appear to have changed. There is no coalition of Arab governments willing to unite militarily against Israel. Syria's military prowess has crumbled since the fall of the Soviet Union - its greatest benefactor - while Iran remains too geographically remote to strike effectively.
The result is a new paroxysm of the proxy war that has existed in the region for a generation - ebbing and flowing as Hizbullah, armed and financed by Iran and Syria, harass Israel without provoking a major Middle East war, military analysts say.
"No state is willing to deal with Israel conventionally," says Seth Jones, a terrorism expert at the RAND Corp.
The shape of the conflict so far - sparked by Hizbullah's raid into northern Israel and capture of two Israeli soldiers - reveals both the capabilities and limitations of each side.
Historically, Hizbullah has been able to do little more than nip at Israel's northern border with incursions and sporadic rocket attacks. By and large, its arsenal is primitive, comprising various short-range rockets that can destroy buildings only with a direct hit, yet are difficult to aim with any precision. It has continually fired rockets into northern Israel.
AT: Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
1. Israel Palestine conflict won’t escalate or spark other conflicts
Luttwak, 07 - senior adviser at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (Edward, American Prospect, “The Middle of Nowhere”, May, http://www.prospect-magazine.co.uk/article_details.php?id=9302)
Yes, it would be nice if Israelis and Palestinians could settle their differences, but it would do little or nothing to calm the other conflicts in the middle east from Algeria to Iraq, or to stop Muslim-Hindu violence in Kashmir, Muslim-Christian violence in Indonesia and the Philippines, Muslim-Buddhist violence in Thailand, Muslim-animist violence in Sudan, Muslim-Igbo violence in Nigeria, Muslim-Muscovite violence in Chechnya, or the different varieties of inter-Muslim violence between traditionalists and Islamists, and between Sunnis and Shia, nor would it assuage the perfectly understandable hostility of convinced Islamists towards the transgressive west that relentlessly invades their minds, and sometimes their countries.
Arab-Israeli catastrophism is wrong twice over, first because the conflict is contained within rather narrow boundaries, and second because the Levant is just not that important any more.
2. No escalation—Israel will strategically minimize any threat
Alpher 05 (Yossi, former director of the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies at Tel Aviv University. “The Future of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: Critical Trends Affecting Israel.” United States Institute of Peace Special Report No. 149, Sept. 2005. http://www.usip.org/pubs/specialreports/sr149.html)
The elimination of the Iraqi armed forces in 2003 has, for the first time in Israel's fifty-seven-year history, minimized the danger of all-out conventional war between Israel and a coalition of its neighbors attacking from the east, thereby reducing the strategic value for Israel of the West Bank. Even before the removal of the Iraqi threat, Israel found that it could isolate a concerted Palestinian armed campaign against it—the second intifada of 2000–2005—and thwart the Palestinian goal of generating regional military escalation. Since 2003 the reality of Palestinian military isolation has become more stark than ever; it will only be compounded by the completion of the security fence being erected by the Sharon government around the West Bank with the primary goal of preventing incursion into Israel by Palestinian terrorists.
3. No spillover to the rest of the Middle East
Kohr ’07 (Howard, executive director of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, February. “Missing the link.” Deep South Jewish Voice, Vol. 17, Issue 4.)
As the situation in Iraq remains dire, various detractors of Israel have once again rolled out an old and long-discredited fantasy. The Israeli-Palestinian dispute is the core regional issue, they say; end it, and all other Middle Eastern problems - including Iraq - will resolve themselves. Known as "linkage," this theory fails the test of simple logic and is thoroughly refuted by history. It should be evident to the most casual Middle East observer that even if the Israeli-Palestinian conflict were to be satisfactorily resolved, Sunnis and Shia would continue to fight each other in Iraq and in other countries throughout the Middle East. This conflict is a schism within Islam that stretches back to the seventh century. It has absolutely nothing to do with Israel. The Israeli-Palestinian problem isn't the reason why Syria is meddling in Iraq and seeking to re-assert control over Lebanon. It doesn't explain why Iran is attempting to develop nuclear arms and pursuing its age-old ambition of dominating the Persian Gulf region. And it has little to do with al-Qaeda's quest to topple Muslim governments deemed insufficiently committed to the principles of Islamic fundamentalism. Neither does Israel have any effect on the region-wide problems identified in the authoritatively documented reports issued by the U.N. Development Program: corruption, illiteracy, economic stagnation and a lack of political freedom. Only the most outrageous of the world's conspiracy theories could hold Israel responsible for imposing these problems on its neighbors. The emergence of a Palestinian state would yield no material benefit to the one in five Arabs who lives on less than two dollars per day. It wouldn't diminish the temptation for unelected autocrats to steal from their people. And it would not affect the region's staggering illiteracy rates or provide education to the 10 million Arab children who receive no schooling at all.
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