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Chapter 19: Big data, giving and volunteering



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Chapter 19: Big data, giving and volunteering

Prof Jo Barraket


Centre for Social Impact, Swinburne University of Technology

Introduction


In a digital age, the analytic and predictive capabilities of big data are of increasing interest to business, governments and nonprofit organisations (NPOs). The potential of big data to improve responses to complex societal problems has been popularly mooted (Blackbaud 2014b; Mead and Dreicer 2013), although practice is still very much emerging.

What is big data?


With its origins in the corporate sector the concept of ‘big data’ has been attributed to Laney’s (2001) construct, which identified three dimensions of big data and its management: volume, related to the breadth and depth of data available about contemporary transactions; velocity, related to the speed at which data are generated by interactions and can be used to support interactions; and variety of data formats that render data coordination challenging. A fourth dimension that is sometimes included is veracity of data and data sources (Taylor et al. 2014). As observed by Easton-Calabria and Allen (2015, 53), the concept of bigness in the context of big data ‘refers not only to the absolute size of data-sets but also to the idea that accessing and analysing vast amounts of information about social and economic interactions can provide novel, macro-level perspectives on complex issues’.

Taylor et al. (2014) identify three main types of big data. The first is ‘produced data’, which is generated by users or subjects through, for example, social media entries or digitally-created geographic observations or clinical information. The second data type is ‘observed data’, such as online mobile phone transactions. The third type is ‘inferred data’, which is derived via algorithmic analysis of trends such as those within individuals’ social network media structures or their transactional behaviours online (Taylor et al. 2014, 420). With regard to institutional giving, Smith (2014) observes that strategic philanthropy requires access to and command of transactional data about who is giving where and to whom, contextual data to support effective giving decisions, and impact data on the effectiveness of foundations’ contributions.7


Big data discourses linked to giving and volunteering


Recent research on the relationship between big data and social challenges has suggested that the principal issue of concern is not big data—which refers to data-sets as objects—but datification, the process by which data-sets may be powerfully merged and integrated to generate new knowledge (Taylor et al. 2014). In the context of institutional giving, Smith (2014) has observed that discussions about big data have stimulated thinking about effective knowledge management more broadly, which has raised questions about what kinds of data foundations should collect or access. Commentators have also noted that, in the context of philanthropy and nonprofit practice, discussions about big data are also essentially discussions about big collaboration in order to coordinate and make the best use of resources available (States News Service 2014). These analyses suggest that the term ‘big data’ when used in relation to giving and volunteering has become a signifier to which a variety of issues related to the use of knowledge and digital information have become attached.

While practice remains limited at this stage there is a growing popular discourse around the relationship between big data and social progress associated with philanthropy and volunteering. This discussion has four main inflections. First, there is growing interest in the co-creation and use of big data to create progressive social and environmental change. Stimulated by the ‘data for good’ civil society movement, this discussion highlights the potential of crowdsourced knowledge and digitally-savvy volunteers to both create and maximise the use of big data to make change happen by diagnosing social or environmental problems and co-producing solutions. Reminiscent of earlier invocations of the democratic power of the internet (see, for example, Rheingold 1993), and now manifesting in discussions of digitally-enabled social innovation (see Bria 2015), the data for good movement highlights the aggregate effects of many people producing, observing and inferring data in common ways for a shared purpose.

Second, the diagnostic potential of big data for identifying social needs and effective points of intervention for change has been mooted (Mead and Dreicer 2013; Smith 2014). As discussed in relation to types of big data above, for example, Smith (2014) has highlighted the importance of contextual data—such as the scope and location of a particular social problem—to making strategic philanthropic decisions.

Third, the predictive capabilities of big data is receiving growing attention from fundraisers concerned with observing donor contribution patterns over time and/or specified geographies in order to predict and derive maximum benefit from donor behaviour (Blackbaud 2014; Stevens, 2014). Deriving much from commercial marketing strategies, this discussion is concerned with the benefits of inferred data for maximising giving to particular causes.

Finally, the role of big data in assessing the social impacts of funded interventions has gained attention from philanthropy, particularly in North America (see Mead and Dreicer 2013; Smith 2014; States News Service 2014). Reflecting on practice within one large foundation, Mead and Dreicer (2013) suggest that effective data analytics can assist foundations to learn what is working and why across their grants portfolios. Smith (2014) also notes that impact data is potentially valuable to support institutional giving but observes that it is the most elusive data type of all. The benefits of using data to increase understanding of outcomes and impacts is not limited to philanthropy, and has been similarly mooted as valuable but currently difficult to achieve for NPOs (see de Las Casas, Gyateng and Pritchard 2013). The normative and practical challenges of measuring social impacts are beyond the scope of this review but are well documented in the nonprofit and social enterprise management literature (see, for example, Carman 2009; Luke, Barraket and Eversole 2013b). It is notable that United States (US) media reports have observed a revival of interest in storytelling to communicate social impacts as an explicit pushback against big data-driven impact measurement discourses (see Jensen 2014).

International context


While the use of big data is becoming an increasingly significant commercial tool, growing interest in the potential openness, (re)usability and integration of big data to achieve public benefits was driven initially by governments. Open data initiatives in the United Kingdom (UK) and Europe have sought to render public sector-held data accessible online through ‘standard and re-useable formats, and under licenses that allow for data to be re-used in different contexts’ (Davis 2010, quoted in Easton-Calabria and Allen 2015, 55). The US government has also sought to encourage data philanthropy, by acknowledging and rewarding the work of data analytics companies that support the data for good movement through voluntary or in-kind contributions (PR Newswire 2013b).

With regard to philanthropy, the Foundation Center in the US provided early leadership in both promoting and enabling collaborative use of data by foundations to better enable strategic approaches to giving. In 2012, 15 of the largest US foundations partnered with the Foundation Center on the ‘Reporting Commitment’ project, which aimed to open up and integrate grantmaking data, with a focus on transparency to support strategic decision-making about philanthropic giving (States News Service 2012). Shared data has been utilised by the Foundation Center to develop interactive maps that visualise philanthropic giving. Since the initiative was established a further four foundations have joined (see http://glasspockets.org/philanthropy-in-focus/reporting-commitment-map).

Parallel to developments in policy and philanthropy and introduced above, civil society has given rise to a ‘data for good’ movement, which is explicitly concerned with the potential of data science to help respond to big social problems (PR Newswire 2013a). Initiatives to stimulate crowdsourced big data production and observation are growing, particularly in the areas of health and environmental protection. Examples include:


  • Cancer Research UK’s use of the Cellsider program through which volunteers rate anonymous images of blood in order to reduce sample classification to a manageable number for medical researchers (Fildes 2013)

  • Conservation International’s use of big data platforms to store and integrate massive sets of observational data for use by environmental scientists across locations (Worth 2013)

  • Flowminder’s use of mobile phone records to generate reports about the locations of displaced people for relief agencies after the 2010 Haitian earthquake (Taylor et al. 2014), and

  • Online Patient Network, Patients Like Me, through which many thousands of patients share information about symptoms and treatments, which generates outcomes-based health data utilised by medical researchers, pharmaceutical companies and public health organisations (Frost and Massagli 2008).

In the US and the UK, growing interest in the power of big data to support social progress has also given rise to the establishment of a new breed of data for good NPOs and networks, such as DataKind. DataKind brings together data scientists with social change organisations to develop analytics and algorithms aimed at maximising social impact (see www.datakind.org).

Inferred big data are also being utilised to support fundraising efforts by some NPOs in the US. Reporting on a case study of the use of big data to support the cultural sector in North Carolina, Stevens (2014) finds that big data can be effectively used to predict sector support for a recapitalisation strategy following loss of capital as a result of the 2008 Global Financial Crisis.




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