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Stories on the edge of the NPC (China Media Project)
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- Can the North Korea Challenge Bring China and the U.S. Together (theatlantic.com)
Stories on the edge of the NPC (China Media Project)By David Bandurski | Posted on 2013-03-07 http://cmp.hku.hk/2013/03/07/31695/ Fairness has been one of the central themes at China’s ongoing National People’s Congress. There has been chatter about the country’s “inefficient growth model,” about the need for more equity in areas like income distribution, housing and education. Party leaders have pledged to “construct a fair social system and realize more efficient growth.” Nearly all of these issues touch on the intractable question of how China will deal with its massive population of “rural” migrant workers, or nongmingong (农民工), who account for roughly half of China’s official figures on “urbanization” of its population (52%), but who really exist in an unstable no-man’s land between the city and the countryside, cut off from social services. As often happens during the NPC, it’s the stories breaking on the margins that tell us the most about the real challenges facing China. And one of the top stories breaking in the newspapers and on social media today goes to the heart of the above-mentioned set of challenges about urbanization and China’s migrant population. According to reports today by Guangdong’s Southern Metropolis Daily, a conflict broke out in Guangzhou’s Haizhu District yesterday between a migrant woman selling guava on the street-side and urban management officers, or chengguan (城管) who were trying to get her to clear off. For those who aren’t familiar with them, chengguan are non-police urban enforcers set up by local city governments across China to deal with issues of urban order and cleanliness, such as illegal building structures and unlicensed commercial activity. They are known for their violence, particularly against migrants, and are generally despised by the public. Reports have widely circulated alleging that one of the officers — even his badge number, X080324, has been shared — grabbed the woman by the throat as her terrified toddler looked on. While authorities in Guangzhou have denied these reports, images like these are rapidly making their way across social media today. (See Images) The above post from the “Breaking News” Weibo — one among thousands — had drawn more than 36,000 reposts and more than 14,000 comments by early afternoon. The post linked to a Sina slideshow that had drawn more than 80,000 viewers. The Guangzhou story has naturally brought fevered discussion about the issue of social fairness. It has also drawn remarks about the National People’s Congress. Invoking the recent case of a baby in the city of Changchun who was found dead after the SUV in which his parents had left him was stolen from a rest stop [See Chinese report here ], one user wrote on Weibo: Who is more fortunate? Is it Little Hao Bo in Changchun, or is it this child in Guangzhou? Wake up, you sleeping delegates! The post is accompanied by images of the Changchun child, “Little Hao Bo”, and the Guangzhou child, followed by a composite (originally from Reuters) of delegates sleeping during Premier Wen Jiabao’s government report to the NPC. (See Images) In another post, a user wrote: “This kind of violence, this kind of inhumanity, fills one with terror. People have the freedom to set up a stall and make a living for themselves, so long as they respect environmental hygiene!” “For the system to tacitly approve this kind of inhumanity is the worst evil of all,” read one comment underneath the post. “The Guangdong delegates to the ‘two meetings’ should respond to this and tell us what they think,” read another. Another suggested solving the domestic issue of chengguan violence and a festering territorial dispute with Japan all in one stroke: “I encourage the NPC to draft a proposal for the sending of all urban management officers to the [disputed] Diaoyu Islands, where they can be responsible for environmental work!” Can the North Korea Challenge Bring China and the U.S. Together? (theatlantic.com)MAR 7 2013 http://www.theatlantic.com/china/archive/2013/03/can-the-north-korea-challenge-bring-china-and-the-us-together/273777/ It might if the UN enacts the sanctions its considering against Pyongyang. Part of an ongoing series of discussions with ChinaFile. Orville Schell: What may end up being most significant about the new draft resolution in the UN Security Council to impose stricter sanctions on North Korea, which China seems willing to sign, may not be what it amounts to in terms of denuclearizing the DPRK, but what it portends for U.S.-China relations. Although it is still too early to be certain, this may represent a bold new step forward by Party General Secretary Xi Jinping and China's new leadership in signaling the U.S. that China is now interested in finding new areas of convergence. To date, China has been rather reluctant to support multilateral action toward so-called rogue regimes: China opposed NATO's military campaign in Libya and, last July, China and Russia vetoed a UN Security Council resolution, that would have threatened sanctions against Syria's leadership. But now not only have China's leaders agreed to strict new sanctions on a foreign power, but on a country that is both a neighbor and a traditional ally. This is a particularly tantalizing moment because it comes just as the new leaders in Beijing are beginning to define their new foreign policy perspective while at the same time Barrack Obama is reorganizing his team for his second term. It may well represent the most significant gesture China has made toward Washington in recent years of wanting to reset the bilateral relationship. When he visited Washington last year, Xi called for a "new type of great power relationship." And at the 18th Party Congress last November, Xi's predecessor Hu Jintao's report to the Party spoke of a "new type of relations among major powers" characterized by "mutual respect, mutual benefits and a win-win partnership." It's going to be interesting to watch both how Washington interprets this gesture and how the Chinese for their part carry it out. Susan L. Shirk: It's good news that China and the U.S. managed to agree on intensifying and broadening United Nations sanctions on the D.P.R.K. after its third nuclear test, to include new restrictions on North Korea's diplomats' transferring cash out of the country, beefed up inspection of North Korean imports and exports and prohibitions on the sale of the luxury items North Korea's leaders enjoy. China has been looking for ways to stabilize its relations with the U.S. and its Asian neighbors, and cooperating to strengthen the international pressure on Pyongyang certainly helps. After more than a decade of reassuring diplomacy toward its neighbors, China has started using coercive diplomacy to show its resolve to defend its maritime territorial claims in the East China Sea and South China Sea. Its threatening rhetoric and actions have raised anxieties in Asian capitals and in Washington that China's rise might not be peaceful after all. In this context, China is seeking opportunities to shore up its international reputation as a responsible power and prevent its relations with the U.S. as well as with South Korea from worsening.It can find such opportunities in developing common approaches to tough problems like North Korea, Iran, and Syria with the U.S. and other countries. It's too soon to tell whether China's support of the sanctions resolution means that it has made strategic decision to radically change its policy toward North Korea. Some influential figures in the Chinese elite have soured on the D.P.R.K. and are speaking out publicly to urge a tougher approach or even abandoning China's troublesome ally. Yesterday Mao Zedong's grandson, a major general, criticized North Korea's nuclear program. But remember that China did support three previous rounds of UN sanctions on Korea. The actual impact of the sanctions depends on how China enforces them. The sanctions could have real bite if China slows down trade across the border by stopping to inspect trucks to make sure they don't carry any of the items on the sanctions lists, and Chinese banks turn down North Korean business. The more transparent China can make its enforcement of the sanctions, the greater the boost to its international reputation and its relations with the U.S. and South Korea. Suzanne DiMaggio: I hope your read of Beijing's motivations is correct. But I am more inclined to see this move on China's part less as a "significant gesture" toward Washington and more as a clear-eyed assessment of the realities on the ground. Pyongyang's recent nuclear test, combined with ongoing work on an intercontinental ballistic missile capable of carrying a nuclear warhead that could reach the United States, raises the threat to a new level for Washington. Although the capability to hit U.S. soil is not yet a reality, Beijing likely recognizes that North Korea's actions could very well push the U.S. to beef up its military presence in the region, including stronger anti-missile defenses going to South Korea and possibly Japan. A more robust U.S. military presence in Northeast Asia that serves to strengthen capabilities of American allies is the last thing Beijing wants right now. Ouyang Bin: It's true that China backed previous UN sanctions on North Korea but then continued to pump resources into the D.P.R.K. The question is why. Beijing's logic has always been that any tough policy measures directed at the D.P.R.K. could cause the regime to collapse, and China, obviously, was not and is not ready for that: refugees, political and economic chaos, a mess for China to clean up the dimensions and character of which are hard to predict, the possibility of dragging down China's economy and most importantly, the way the fall of the Kim regime would inevitably reshuffle the Northeast Asian geopolitical order. China's government, facing millions of episodes of social unrest and trying hard to maintain its economic miracle, doesn't want the kind of surprise that a collapsed North Korean regime would bring. Moreover, as Suzanne points out, China's decision makers have never felt comfortable with or relaxed their vigilance of America's presence in the region, which also means that the Chinese government has never and will not unreservedly follow any American-led move on this issue. What is changing now is that Chinese are getting more and more fed up with North Korea; its unilateral withdrawal from the Six Party Talks in 2005, a mere 20-minutes heads-up to China about its nuclear test in 2006, and this week's threat to nullify the armistice that ended the Korean War are all irritants to the China-D.P.R.K. relationship. China's leaders may respond to its increasingly tense relationship with its neighbor by doing things like supporting the sanctions introduced at the UN this week, but they won't do anything big before thinking through this question of whether North Korea is a strategic asset for China or a liability. Winston Lord: I would hope Orville's upbeat interpretation proves sound, but we can all agree it is too early to tell. Xi Jinping may well wish to send a positive signal but this by itself is hardly grounds for much optimism. As has been pointed out, China has supported sanctions before. This time, as always, it dragged its feet -- maybe until South Korea was no longer UN Security Council chair -- and diluted the product. Let us hope that this time, unlike before, it does not undercut the implementation. Beijing clearly is increasingly frustrated with its neighbor and, as has been pointed out, is hurting many of its own interests with its shielding and supporting of Pyongyang. But its concerns for "stability" and fear of reunification are likely to trump any real change in its policy. It continues to call for calm from all sides when clearly the North is causing all the trouble. In short we will have to see much more solid proof of Xi's overall intentions. And on North Korea itself I fear that Lucy is still holding the football . John Delury: It would seem that senior Chinese Foreign Ministry official Cui Tiankai, likely to be the next ambassador to the U.S., read Orville's post overnight, and responded with comments on the sidelines of the CPPCC to make it clear the Beijing is not interested in using sanctions on North Korea as a means to improve Sino-U.S. relations. "it's very inaccurate to say China and the United States have reached a deal on imposing sanctions on North Korea," quoth Cui. Presumably the draft (ie, leaked) UN Security Council resolution will still be approved as planned, but already Beijing seems to be signaling this is not the start of some grand cooperation with Washington to "teach Pyongyang a lesson." And that's a good thing, since draconian sanctions on the D.P.R.K. would not be a promising area for Xi Jinping and Obama to get their cooperative training wheels on -- for the simple reason that sanctions don't work on North Korea. The country has been sanctioned since it came into existence, but it's still there, acting as it sees fit rather than as others want it to. The last five years have seen considerable effort to increase sanctions and reduce economic cooperation (particularly by South Korea), and to what effect? Kim Jong Un has an even better nuclear and missile program than his father. So let's hope this is not what Xi and Obama pick for their first low hanging fruit of cooperation. More promising over the long run (though no easier in the near term), is for Beijing, Washington, and Seoul to coordinate the resumption of direct dialogue and phased economic engagement (lifting sanctions to incentivize licit economic development and peaceful foreign relations, rather than add sanctions to cut off the flow of yachts to the D.P.R.K.). Secretary Kerry seems to get that diplomacy and negotiation is the wiser course. That would be the place to look for U.S.-China cooperation...though it will be a hard slog with visible success coming more toward the end than the beginning of the process. Schell: Very telling post from John Delury. Indeed, it does seem as if Cui Tiankai were responding to my suggestion that Beijing might have been signaling the U.S. that it was now seeking to find some new area of collaboration with it via the issue of nuclear proliferation in the D.P.R.K. I found it very telling that he came right out to unabashedly disabuse anyone who might be led to naively presume that Beijing's apparent willingness to sign onto the new Security Council sanctions agreement was a hint of a new willingness to approach bi-lateral relations with the U.S. somewhat differently. At least for the moment, it would seem that no larger signal was intended. And, that's a pity, because the two countries urgently need to find such a reset button. (Of course, whether such sanctions against the D.P.R.K. are actually effective--as Delury seriously questions--is an entirely different question). Directory: 2013 2013 -> Annual InStructional unit plan 2013 -> The Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine 2013 -> #1 a lifesafer of virginia inc 2013 -> Name(s): your name here team or Group #(if applicable): Professor’s name 2013 -> Alcott Local School Council (lcs) Meeting Minutes 2013 -> Table Of Contents introduction 2 2013 -> Supplemental demographic information 2013 -> 【Education&Working Experience】 Download 438.17 Kb. Share with your friends:
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