The U. S. Must be first with the space elevator in order to maintain superiority in space Kent 07



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U.S. Key Lunar Resources


American loss in the race to the moon destroys free markets for lunar resources

Spudis 10 – Paul D. Spudis, Senior Staff Scientist at the Lunar and Planetary Institute, February 9, 2010, “The New Space Race,” online: http://www.spudislunarresources.com/Opinion_Editorial/NewSpaceRace.pdf

The struggle for soft power projection in space has not ended. If space resource extraction and commerce is possible, a significant question emerges – What societal paradigm shall prevail in this new economy? Many New Space advocates assume that free markets and capitalism is the obvious organizing principle of space commerce, but others might not agree. For example, to China, a government-corporatist oligarchy, the benefits of a pluralistic, free market system are not obvious. Moreover, respect for contract law, a fundamental reason why Western capitalism is successful while its implementation in the developing world has had mixed results, does not exist in China. So what shall the organizing principle of society be in the new commerce of space resources: rule of law or authoritarian oligarchy? An American win in this new race for space does not guarantee that free markets will prevail, but an American loss could ensure that free markets would never emerge on this new frontier.

Moon Colonization Key


Moon colonization’s key to space leadership

Schmitt et al 9 – Harrison H. Schmitt, geologist, Apollo 17 astronaut, Former Chair NASA Advisory Council, Andy Daga, Lunar surface architecture and technology consultant, and Jeff Plescia, Applied Physics Laboratory, The Johns Hopkins University, 2009, “Geopolitical Context of Lunar Exploration and Settlement,” online: http://www.lpi.usra.edu/decadal/leag/DecadalGeopolitical.pdf

In spite of the difficulties that have faced Constellation, history tells us that an aggressive program to return Americans to deep space, initially the Moon and then on to Mars, must form an essential component of national policy. The current course of United States in space appears to be to have no national capability to launch its astronauts, at all. Americans would find it unacceptable, as well as devastating to human liberty, if we abandon leadership in deep space to the Chinese, Europe, or any other nation or group of nations. Potentially equally devastating would be loss of access to the energy resources of the Moon as fossil fuels diminish on Earth. In the harsh light of history, it is frightening to contemplate the long-term, totally adverse consequences to the standing of the United States in modern civilization of a decision to abandon deep space. Space does not represent just another large-scale science arena that can be abandoned limited only to the science leadership consequences the United States has suffered in recent decades.



Impact China War



Space race risks China war.

MacDonald, 08 (Bruce, Council on foreign relations chair, China, Space weapons and US security, i.cfr.org/content/publications/attachments/China_Space_CSR38.pdf, JG)
While the United States is likely well ahead of China in offensive space capability, China currently is much less dependent on space assets than the U.S. military, and thus in the near term has less to lose from space conflict if it became inevitable. China’s far smaller space dependence, which hinders its 4 China, Space Weapons, and U.S. Security military potential, ironically appears to give it a potential relative nearterm offensive advantage: China has the ability to attack more U.S. space assets than vice versa, an asymmetry that complicates the issue of space deterrence, discussed later. This asymmetric Chinese advantage will likely diminish as China grows increasingly dependent on space over the next twenty years, and as the United States addresses this space vulnerability. Thus, the time will come when the United States will be able to inflict militarily meaningful damage on Chinese space-based assets, establishing a more symmetric deterrence potential in space. Before then, other asymmetric means are available to the United States to deter China, though at possibly greater escalatory risk. That is, the United States could threaten to attack not just Chinese space assets, but also ground-based assets, including ASAT commandand- control centers and other military capabilities. But such actions, which would involve attacking Chinese soil and likely causing substantial direct casualties, would politically weigh much heavier than the U.S. loss of space hardware, and thus might climb the escalatory ladder to a more damaging war both sides would probably want to avoid.

Taiwan war = China Destroys US Space Assets = US China War

MacDonald, 08 (Bruce, Council on foreign relations chair, China, Space weapons and US security, i.cfr.org/content/publications/attachments/China_Space_CSR38.pdf, JG)
Looming in the background, however, is the possibility of war over Taiwan, a plausible if unlikely scenario that could bring the United States and China into conflict. China might then be tempted to attack U.S. military satellites as a casualty- free way to signal resolve, dissuade Washington from further involvement in a Taiwan conflict, and significantly compromise U.S. military capabilities if such dissuasion failed. Such Chinese actions could well escalate any conflict between the United States and China.




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