The United States federal government should cease its surveillance of foreign diplomats in the United States and at United States embassies
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eu rels good – asia warEU relations solve Asian conflicts- but reduced surveillance on Germany is keyTimmermann 14 (Martina, DAAD/AICGS Research Fellow, “Setting the Stage for a U.S.-German Partnership Befitting the Twenty-First Century”, http://www.aicgs.org/publication/setting-the-stage-for-a-u-s-german-partnership-befitting-the-twenty-first-century/)//cc Critical challenges facing the German-American relationship—in Ukraine and Russia, Iraq, Syria, Israel and Palestine, Afghanistan, and several countries in Africa—urgently need solutions. Overcoming them would be easier and mutually beneficial if Germany, the European Union, and the U.S. walked more closely side by side. Such closer cooperation would be beneficial not only to conflicts in and around Europe, but also to a set of conflicts in East Asia that have the potential to exert a major global impact: the conflict between China, Taiwan, Brunei, Vietnam, the Philippines, and Malaysia over the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea and the conflict between China and Japan on the Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea. The United States has been prodded by its allies in Asia-Pacific to serve as a mediator. Several American observers (like Jonathan Pollack[1] or Daniel Sneider[2]) have also argued for U.S. high-level shuttle diplomacy. Giving this a second thought, however, it is obvious that the United States as a direct stakeholder in the region, with its hands tied by its bilateral security treaties with both Japan and the Republic of Korea, could not really fill the role of an independent broker on this matter. China, moreover, has already made clear that it will not accept any American role as a mediator in these conflicts. The U.S. would therefore benefit from involving a trusted and reliable partner, such as the EU, whose reputation for credibility and integrity in peaceful multilateral conflict resolution is well known. Still, although European economic interests would also be affected by conflicts in Asia, and especially when militaries are involved, these conflicts have not advanced to a center stage debate between the U.S. and Europe. Instead, there seems to be a shared perception that conflicts occurring beyond Europe’s doorstep do not require European attention or, from an American perspective, do not require European involvement. This, however, would be a waste of precious political opportunity. Particularly in East Asia, all stakeholders would benefit from stronger U.S.-European cooperation resulting in a more constructive complementing of their experiences and soft and hard policy instruments. For example, the unsolved history issue between Japan, China, and Korea is widely found to be one of the root causes for the stalling of other vital negotiations on climate change, nuclear disarmament, food, and energy security. Here, Germany (under the EU flag) could take the lead and come in as a mediator on World War II history reconciliation. Germany, with its internationally recognized and respected war history reconciliation efforts, would certainly qualify for this job. Still, suggesting Germany as a trusted and reliable partner seems almost audacious given the most recent German-U.S. conflict on intelligence gathering and the roles of trust (as seen from the German side) and reliability (as perceived from the American side) in their partnership. The conflict on “spying on friends” is therefore not as silly, emotional, or over-the-top as several American observers seem to think. On the contrary, it has brought to light a lingering German discontent with the perspective, current structure, and running of this partnership. How deep German frustration goes is highlighted by the fact that the original debate on “spying on friends” has started to impact other highly relevant policy areas, most prominently the negotiations on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). Any new joint U.S.-German/EU initiative may equally be overshadowed. Going back to business as usual is therefore not an option. What is needed instead is the joint design of a remodeled strategic U.S.-German partnership with an enhanced quality of a “trusted partnership.” Such a partnership needs to address TTIP as well as determine a mutually acceptable agreement on intelligence sharing and a convincing vision of the future role of NATO and European defense policy. To set the stage for this partnership and its sustainable success, it is important to understand how the other side “ticks.” And this, again, requires a closer look at current U.S. and German mindsets and mutual perceptions. eu rels good – isisEU and US cooperation deters ISISKatulis et al 14 (Brian, 9/10, senior fellow at the center for American progress, “Defeating ISIS: An Integrated Strategy to Advance Middle East Stability”, https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/security/report/2014/09/10/96739/defeating-isis-an-integrated-strategy-to-advance-middle-east-stability/)//cc The September 2014 NATO summit took several steps to energize the transatlantic community to confront ISIS. Nine countries pledged to join U.S. efforts to counter ISIS, but no specific commitments were made. And as evidenced over the past few years in Afghanistan and Libya, follow through on commitments is essential. Further, the United States and its Western partners need to proactively manage the dangers posed by European and American citizens now fighting alongside ISIS. The United States should work with its transatlantic partners and traditional allies to: Enable reliable and capable partners in the region to take the fight directly to ISIS. The United States is providing the greatest support to forces fighting ISIS. NATO and other U.S. allies should together develop a strategy to help the region counter ISIS with technical support and military assistance. This should include specific commitments to provide support to the Iraqi government, Kurdish forces, and third-way opposition alternatives to the Assad regime and ISIS in Syria. Enhance law enforcement and intelligence fusion efforts to identify and counter ISIS and other terrorist fighters holding Western passports. This should build on existing U.S.-European efforts in coordination with the International Criminal Police Organization, or INTERPOL. More than 12,000 foreign fighters are estimated to have flocked to Iraq and Syria. According to intelligence agencies and outside experts, one-quarter of these fighters come from Western countries. With an estimated 3,000 individuals, including perhaps 500 each from Britain and France, the dangers of extremists coming home to continue the fight with acts of terrorism cannot be ignored. Western countries should partner with allies in the Middle East and local communities on counter-radicalization efforts. 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