This file includes the entirety of a capitalism K. That said, students may want to draw from other critique files to supplement the work here
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*** FRAMEWORK2NC---ShortOur interpretation is that the judge is an educator who should evaluate the epistemological consequences of the aff before anything else.Epistemology first – the inextricable capitalist nature of education makes non-macro level approaches only harmfulLamelas Paz 16 (Gabriela, socialist Argentinian politician. “Public Education in Capitalism: A Marxist Perspective”, 10/31/16. http://www.leftvoice.org/Public-Education-in-Capitalism-A-Marxist-Perspective, 6/22/17)//JM *Translated, by Tatiana Cozzarelli However, in each one of these fights, it became clear that the defense of free, secular public education is not enough. Public education is still in the hands of those who rule the country in service to large corporations. International financial institutions, corporate executives, and associated government ministers determine the curriculum and methods — the what, the how, and the when of public education. There is enormous class inequality which results in huge nutritional deficits and health problems for many of our students. Class differences also mean that many children have no books to read. While these conditions persist, we cannot limit ourselves to proposing a few reforms to correct specific problems in education without questioning the institution of public schooling, including its character and function in society. Argentina’s ruling class has created an education system to serve its own interests. Education has never been separate from class interests despite its neutral and universal appearance. Since the institutionalization of the Argentinian education system, education reform has been designed to more efficiently exploit workers and their communities. The history of education is irrevocably linked to the history of class struggle. Therefore, we cannot think of education as neutral, but rather as a contradictory system that is governed by antagonistic forces. On one side are the efforts of the bourgeoisie, the corporations, and their governments to build an education system that serves their interests. On the other is the glorious history of education workers’ struggles — workers who have, in some cases, given their lives to defend not only their rights as workers but also the rights of working class and poor students to have access to quality public education. Our group April 9th wants not only to be part of labor struggles but also to bring about a serious debate about the kind of education system we are fighting for. Teachers constantly ask themselves: “What should be done in education?” and “Whom does our teaching serve?”. We ask ourselves these questions when we are confronted with the harsh reality of our students’ lives and when we analyze whether we are really helping to transform their conditions. We ask ourselves if each one of our students can “beat the odds.” We wonder if we are puppets who falsely believe that we are making a difference in our classroom when, in reality, there are invisible strings that drive our actions. Neoliberalists seek to destroy morality and responsibility – their framework links to the critiqueGiroux 14 - American and Canadian scholar and cultural critic. One of the founding theorists of critical pedagogy in the United States, he is best known for his pioneering work in public pedagogy, cultural studies, youth studies, higher education, media studies, and critical theory. In 2002 Routledge named Giroux as one of the top fifty educational thinkers of the modern period, 14 ("Henry A. Giroux," Truthout, 4-26-2014, Available Online at http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/23306-neoliberalisms-war-on-democracy, Accessed on 6-27-2017 //JJ) Not only does neoliberal rationality believe in the ability of markets to solve all problems, it also removes economics and markets from ethical considerations. Economic growth, rather than social needs, drives politics. Long-term investments are replaced by short-term gains and profits, while compassion is viewed as a weakness and democratic public values are derided. As Stanley Aronowitz points out, public values and collective action have given way to the "absurd notion the market should rule every human activity," including the "absurd neoliberal idea that users should pay for every public good from parks and beaches to highways [and] higher education."45 The hard work of critical analysis, moral judgments, and social responsibility have given way to the desire for accumulating profits at almost any cost, short of unmistakably breaking the law and risking a jail term (which seems unlikely for Wall Street criminals). Gordon Gekko's "Greed is good" speech in the film Wall Street has been revived as a rallying cry for the entire financial services industry, rather than seen as a critique of excess. With society overtaken by the morality of self-interest, profit-seeking weaves its way into every possible space, relationship, and institution. For example, the search for high-end profits has descended upon the educational sector with a vengeance, as private bankers, hedge fund elites, and an assortment of billionaires are investing in for-profit and charter schools while advocating policies that disinvest in public education. At the same time the biotech, pharmaceutical, and defense industries and a range of other corporations are investing in universities to rake in profits while influencing everything from how such institutions are governed and define their mission to what they teach and how they treat faculty members and students. Increasingly, universities are losing their power not only to produce critical and civically engaged students but also to offer the type of education that enables them to refute the neoliberal utopian notion that paradise amounts to a world of voracity and avarice without restrictions, governed by a financial elite who exercise authority without accountability or challenge. Literacy, public service, human rights, and morality in this neoliberal notion of education become damaged concepts, stripped of any sense of reason, responsibility, or obligation to a just society. In this way, neoliberalism proceeds, in zombie-like fashion, to impose its values, social relations, and forms of social death upon all aspects of civic life.This is marked by not only a sustained lack of interest in the public good, a love of inequitious power relations, and a hatred of democracy. There is also the use of brutality, state violence, and humiliation to normalize a neoliberal social order that celebrates massive inequalities in income, wealth, and access to vital services. This is a social Darwinism without apology, a ruthless form of casino capitalism whose advocates have suggested, without irony, that what they do is divinely inspired.46 Politics has become an extension of war, just as state-sponsored violence increasingly finds legitimation in popular culture and a broader culture of cruelty that promotes an expanding landscape of selfishness, insecurity, and precarity that undermines any sense of shared responsibility for the well-being of others. Too many young people today learn quickly that their fate is solely a matter of individual responsibility, legitimated through market-driven laws that embrace self-promotion, hypercompetitiveness, and surviving in a society that increasingly reduces social relations to social combat. Young people today are expected to inhabit a set of relations in which the only obligation is to live for oneself and to reduce the obligations of citizenship to the demands of a consumer culture. Gilded Age vengeance has also returned in the form of scorn for those who are either failed consumers or do not live up to the image of the United States as a white Christian nation. Reality TV's overarching theme, echoing Hobbes's "war of all against all," brings home the lesson that punishment is the norm and reward the exception. Unfortunately, it no longer mimics reality, it is the new reality. There is more at work here than a flight from social responsibility. Also lost is the importance of those social bonds, modes of collective reasoning, and public spheres and cultural apparatuses crucial to the construction of the social state and the formation of a sustainable democratic society. Nowhere is the dismantling of the social state and the transformation of the state into a punishing machine more evident than in the recent attacks on youth, labor rights, and higher education being waged by Republican governors in a number of key states such as Michigan, Wisconsin, Florida, and Ohio. What is often missed in discussions of these attacks is that the war on the social state and the war on education represent part of the same agenda of destruction and violence. The first war is being waged for the complete control by the rich and powerful of all modes of wealth and income while the second war is conducted on the ideological front and represents a battle over the very capacity of young people and others to imagine a different and more critical mode of subjectivity and alternative mode of politics. If the first war is on the diverse and myriad terrain of political economy the second is being waged though what C. Wright Mills once called the major cultural apparatuses, including public and higher education. This is a struggle to shape indentities, desires, and modes of subjectivity in accordance with market values, needs, and relations. Both of these wars register as part of a larger effort to destroy any vestige of a democratic imaginary, and to relegate the value of the ethical responsibility and the social question to the wasteland of political thought. Paul Krugman is on target in arguing that in spite of massive suffering caused by the economic recession—a recession that produced "once-unthinkable levels of economic distress"— there is "growing evidence that our governing elite just doesn't care."47 Of course, Krugman is not suggesting that if the corporate and financial elite cared the predatory nature of capitalism would be transformed. Rather, he is suggesting that economic Darwinism leaves no room for compassion or ethical considerations, which makes its use of power much worse than more liberal models of a market-based society. Directory: file -> view view -> Western Europe after wwii view -> Author study: paul fleischman view -> Qpa1 7ela study Guide view -> Arctic Oil/Gas Neg view -> November 1970 Approximately 150,000-500,000 deaths Bhola Cyclone Bangladesh view -> Grade Level: 6 Unit of Study: Caribbean glce view -> Citation: Duffield, Katy view -> Table of Contents Lesson # view -> Chinese Wind Energy Disad Download 1.3 Mb. Share with your friends:
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