This is a tough one, as the written history of this great subject is tainted with much 'coloring', so to speak



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Otto Ludwig; sources differ between the two names), heading through the region of Trzciana (Honigfelde) towards Sztum (Stuhm). His Trossen och artilleriet was ahead of his cavalry slightly to the SE so they could be covered. Again, Koniecpolski insisted on an immediate attack, and Arnim, though wanting to wait for the Polish and imperial infantry to arrive, acquiesced. A Catholic force of dragoons beat the Swedes to a vital crossing on the River Leba, which runs east-west through Gniew. Koniecpolski and his men led the way, approaching swiftly from the south with about 2,500 Polish cavalry, comprised of 1,300 husaria and 1,200 kozacy (some dragoons incorporated), with the heavier 2,000 cuirassiers of Arnim not far behind; Arnim himself 'suggested' the husaria numbered just 700 and the kozacy about 1,000, with his 2,000 horse coming up behind. This is possible, if the Polish numbers were calculated by number of companies (which are never up to full strength) but a little more unlikely, as he certainly magnified his role in the battle, which came valuably at the end. The 1,700 Polish figure probably wouldn't be sufficient to afflict the initial damage that they actually did (that's armchair deductive logic, though) against the Rheingraff, particularly that the dragoons who were integrated with the lighter contingent would not be very effective in pure cavaly action against Wilhelms'>Wilhelm's reiters. Their object was probably to bear off to Sztum and turn Gustavus' right flank. Upon learning of their position, Gustavus sent the Rheingraff, who had been keeping up the rear to protect the narrows between the lakes near Sztum; the object was seemingly to head off the Polish/Imperial force from the marching column, hopefully forcing them to make a long detour. Wilhelm was supposedly ordered by Gustavus to avoid an engagement, and to simply occupy the enemy's attention within the confined terrain. But Wilhelm impetuously either attacked the enemy, in an outflankin

g attempt of his own, or was effectively distracted (Wilhelm was perhaps fooled into thinking he had an advantage, with only then kozacy in front of him, composed of lesser numbers than what he had with him). Whatever the details, Koniecpolski achieved a devastating flank attack on the Rheingraff's left, and Wilhelm was threatened with destruction, as his men fled. But Gustavus came back and tried to rally the fleeing rearguard, which he did somewhat. But he and his two companies were pushed back with the rallied rearguard. But many regrouped near Straszewo, and Hermann Wrangel's twenty-one companies arrived and furiously counter-charged, which temporarily turned the fortunes of those in the rearguard; they were showing success against their clash with the pursuing kozacy, but were stopped with the arrival of some husaria and their allied reiters (this was the point where Arnim first appeared into the action). Amid a sharp melee, Gustavus was receiving the worst of the fighting, but he retired in relatively good order north of Trzciana (Honigfelde). Here he regroups his units and heads to Pulkowitz (Pulkowice), with the Polish cavalry hot on his tail. At Pulkowitz five companies under Jan Streiff, and another of cuirassiers, are in a defensive position. Just about all of Gustavus' infantry have now reached Neudorf (Nowa Wies) a little to the NW of Pulkowitz. Streiff attacks Gustavus' pursuers while Gustavus rallies his withdrawing cavalry with fresh men, and led them in to engage the enemy. In a bloody cavalry clash, Gustavus was beaten back near Pulkowitz, narrowly escaping death or capture (his hat was lost and became a Catholic prize). Johann Wilhelm perished, and the Swedish king would later remark,



"I have never been in a hotter bath!"

Swedish propaganda has possibly succeeded in downplaying this clear defeat of Gustavus. However, the defile around Sztum was held, and Gustavus and the rest of his army safely reached Malbork. He succeeded in protecting his infantry, of just twelve were lost in the battle. He lost, according to 'friendly' sources, 396 cavalrymen, and 1,052 wounded men made it out of there. Six leather guns were captured. Polish sources state 1,467 Swedes and their allies were killed (including thirty senior officers) in all, 200 taken prisoner, and ten leather guns, plus five other heavier guns. Polish losses, according to them, were 150 killed and 200 wounded, which is quite tenable. Unlike at Tczew (Dirschau), they were ready this time in force against the Swedes, and, from their view, not fighting these 'moles' when they were entrenched. Contrary to some claims, Gustavus was not 'ambushed'; the Rheingraff got himself into a very precarious situation, and the king went in blazing to salvage what he could. But he fought his way out of there relatively well, and reputedly repulsed several Polish/Imperial attacks upon him once he was entrenched, including a swift sally on the Polish rearguard off the Nogat River, an eastern distributary of the Vistula. But the Battle of Trzciana was doubtless a tactical victory for Koniecpolski and his allies over him, and they didn't outnumber him in the actual three-part clash itself, albeit Gustavus was not looking for a fiasco. Polish morale now heightened as a result.

But the sharp reverse for Gustavus, whose forts remained strongly held, was partly retrieved: the Poles and their allies advanced a little west to the Nogat River, a part of the Vistula delta. What soon ensued is where the high standards of discipline and morale effected upon his men by Gustavus beared fruit. The Swedes maintained the solid advantage of a united command, and ordered provisioning, which wasn't too difficult, being it was now the summer. Contrarily, dissent and problems with supply were seriously problematic among his Catholic enemies. A pestilence which broke out in the allied camp prevented the country people from bringing in supplies. Gustavus swiftly sallied upon the Polish rear-guard, scattering them and capturing many wagons, including most of their gunpowder supply.

The combination of this last ill-success, the 'barbarous' presence of Arnim's troops, the pestilence amid the army, and Gustavus' unrelenting entrenched holdings, made even Sigismund III more tractable. Negotiations were opened in August, 1629, with mediating envoys from France, England, and Brandenburg finding both Sweden and Poland in favor of negotiation (but they were not neutral, certainly favoring Gustavus). On September 26, 1629, the Treaty of Altmark ended this conflict. Sweden reaped considerable financial profits; save for Danzig, every river-mouth in Polish Prussia was in Gustavus' hands, a 3.5 % tax was to be collected from Polish shipping for Sweden, and from six ports (Pillau (Pilawa, now Baltiysk), Memel (Klaipeda), Elbing (Elbląg), Braniewo (Braunsberg), Fischhausen (now Primorsk) and Lochstadt) Sweden would collect all customs. This would strengthen Gustavus' finances for the great upcoming venture, as Sweden's income grew by 50% because of the tolls collected from the Prussian ports. Sweden also retained all of Livonia except the south easterly-part, and Courland was restored to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Danzig remained neutral, but was induced by a seperate treaty at Tiegenhoff (February 18, 1630) to pay two thirds of its customs to Sweden's treasury. Importantly for the Sejm, Poland retained the valuable grain trade along the Vistula, which greatly gratified the Polish nobility. But it must be noted the Swedes were being drained, too, much by pestilence and the fact the riches of Ducal Prussia (the Danziger Werder, specifically) were not paying for the war (bellum se ipse alet) as much as Gustavus had hoped. This was due in large part to Koniecpolski's strategy of avioding battle when the Swedes wanted it, coupled with cavalry harassment, restricting the Swedes' freedom of movement. The truce came at a good time for both sides, as the country was devastated from by three years of war. Militarily, it was pretty much a stalemate, but Gustavus came out of Ducal Prussia quite favorably.



The Polish War served well for Gustavus to realize his theories of military reform, and thus forge a better army. He also realized that pursuing a defensive strategy could cause his army to melt away. But his success here resulted in the important Prussian ports delivering for Sweden the necessary revenue to march into Germany (a subsidy from France also helped). It seems he gained more than his success would indicate in Polish Prussia, but Gustavus now controlled the main trade routes through the Baltic. On June 24, 1630, he landed at Peenemunde with merely 13,500 men and 800 guns of all calibers, but the quality and balance of his army was unmatched by any other in Europe, and another 31,500 soon followed with an additional 20,500 in 1631 before Breitenfeld was fought; it was after the great victory in which German military entrepreneuers substantially provided help. The bulk of Gustavus' army (around 60%) before 1632 in Germany was composed of his native Swedes/Finns and crack Scots. True, as with in Livonia and Polish Prussia, his invasion was not met seriously with sufficient forces, due to campaigns elsewhere, but he wasted no time in strategically establishing himself and made many good soldiers of disbanded men hitherto spoiled by fearful indiscipline (the cause of German soldier by this time had become more centered around subsistence). Moreover, the Poles could not levy enough infantry (fighting Sweish 'moles' was not viable with cavalry) due to problems with taxation, which were wrought from recent internal politics (Wladislaw IV and Koniecpolski balanced things soon after Gustavus left). Gustavus' garrison under Alexander Leslie at Stralsund numbered about 6,000. Alexander Leslie had been knighted by Gustavus, and he and his nephew, David Leslie, would later fight for another military leader who believed in the standing army, and one influenced by Gustavus - Oliver Cromwell. Within a few months, 25,000 German Lutherans and mercenaries flocked to Gustavus' banner. The Protestant princes, however, were initially more apathetic to his presence than welcoming. The armies of Wallenstein and Tilly totalled some 100,000 men, but Gustavus was fortunate that Wallenstein's personal ambitions, which had reached an unsupportable plateau, had recently led to his temporary dismissal by Ferdinand II, and ultimately his murder. But this campaign is another story....

With all that said, however, I must say this treatise was drawn more heavily from accounts which were drawn from Swedish works. I am certain I couldn't have gotten 'it all correct'.’’
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