Tinsley negative at: Black Queerness

IDENTITY TURNS

Turn – Essentialism  Disciplinary Power

Turn – the politicization of identity requires categorization – generates disciplinary regimes which neutralize differences within identity categories and reinscribes relations of domination

Disciplinary power is coercive and violent – causes people to internalize their self-worth solely in terms of their productive capacities

4. The body-object articulation. Discipline defines each of the relations that the body must have with the object that it manipulates. Between them, it outlines a meticulous meshing. ‘Bring the weapon forward. In three stages. Raise the rifle with the right hand, bringing it close to the body so as to hold it perpendicular with the right knee, the end of the barrel at the eye level, grasping it by striking it with the right hand, the arm held close to the body at waist height. At the second stage, bring the rifle in front of you with the left hand, the barrel in the middle between the two eyes, vertical, the right hand grasping it at the small of the butt, the arm outstretched, the trigger-guard resting on the first finger, the left hand at the height of the notch, the thumb lying along the barrel against the moulding. At the third stage, let go of the rifle with the left hand, which falls along the thigh, raising the rifle with the right hand, the lock outwards and opposite the chest, the right arm half flexed, the elbow close to the body, the thumb lying against the lock, resting against the first screw, the hammer resting on the first finger, the barrel perpendicular’ (‘Ordonnance du janvier 1766…, titre XI, article 2’). ¶ This is an example of what might be called the instrumental coding of the body. It consists in the breakdown of the total gesture into two parallel series: that of the parts of the body, to be used (right hand, left hand, different fingers of the hand, knee, eye, elbow, etc.) and that of the parts of the object manipulated (barrel, notch, hammer, screw, etc.); then the two sets of parts are correlated together according to a number of simple gestures (rest, bend); lastly, it fixes the canonical succession in which each of these correlations occupies a particular place. This obligatory syntax is what the military theoreticians of the eighteenth century called 'manoeuvre'. The traditional recipe gives place to explicit and obligatory prescriptions. Over the whole surface of contact between the body and the object it handles, power is introduced, fastening them to one another. It constitutes a body-weapon, body-tool, body-machine complex. One is as far as possible from those forms of subjection that demanded of the body only signs or products, forms of expression or the result of labour. The regulation imposed by power is at the same time the law of construction of the operation. Thus disciplinary power appears to have the function not so much of deduction as of synthesis, not so much of exploitation of the product as of coercive link with the apparatus of production.

Essentialism Link – “woman”

Turn – Their insistence on an essential category of “woman” promotes a form of positivism which locks in difference and promotes an externalized, disciplinary politics

Brown, 1995 (Wendy, Professor of Political Science and Rhetoric at UC-Berkeley, States of Injury: Power and Freedom in Late Modernity, published by Princeton UP, p. 41-42)

But this is precisely the point at which many contemporary North

Atlantic feminists hesitate and equivocate: while insisting on the constructed¶ character of gender, most also seek to preserve some variant of¶ consciousness-raising as a mode of discerning and delivering the "truth"¶ about women. Consider Catharine MacKinnon's insistence that women¶ are entirely the products of men's construction and her ontologically¶ contradictory project of developing a jurisprudence based on "an account¶ of the world from women's point of view. " Consider the similar problematic¶ in other theories of "the feminist standpoint," the sharp but frequently¶ elided tensions between adhering to social construction theory¶ on one hand, and epistemologically privileging women's accounts of social¶ life on the other. "'The world from women's point of view" and "the¶ feminist standpoint" attempt resolution of the postfoundational epistemology problem by deriving from within women's experience the¶ grounding for women's accounts. But this resolution requires suspending¶ recognition that women's "experience" is thoroughly constructed,¶ historically and culturally varied, and interpreted without end. Within¶ feminist standpoint theory as well as much other modernist feminist theory,¶ consciousness-raising thus operates as feminism's epistemologically¶ positivist moment. The material excavated there, like the material uncovered¶ in psychoanalysis or delivered in confession, is valued as the hidden¶ truth of women's existence-true because it is hidden, and hidden because¶ women's subordination functions in part through silencing, marginalization,¶ and privatization. 22¶ Indeed, those familiar with Foucault's genealogy of confession will¶ have discerned in this argument an implied homology between the¶ epistemological-political operations of consciousness-raising and those¶ he assigns to confessional discourse. In his account of modern sexuality¶ as structured by such discourse, Foucault argues that confession - inaugurated¶ by the Catholic Church as a technique of power that works¶ by exposure and individuation-produces "truth" as a secret contained¶ within. Confessional revelations are thus construed as liberation from¶ repression or secrecy, and truth-telling about our desires or experiences is¶ construed as deliverance from the power that silences and represses them¶ (rather than as itself a site and effect of regulatory power). What Foucault¶ terms the "internal ruse of confession" is reducible to this reversal of¶ power and freedom: "Confession frees, but power reduces one to silence;¶ truth does not belong to the order of power, but shares an original affinity¶ with freedom. "24 In believing truth-telling about our experiences to¶ be our liberation Foucault suggests, we forget that this truth has been¶ established as the secret to our souls not by us but by those who would¶ discipline us through that truth.

1NC Turn – Identity Policing

And, the aff’s form of identity politics is in fact depoliticizing because it locks in power structures – A police apparatus is required in order to account for each identity

Zizek 99 [Slavoj, Senior Researcher at the Institute for Social Studies, Ljubljana, Slovenia, The Ticklish Subject, pgs. 208-09, 1999]

This is politics proper: the moment in which a particular demand is not simply part of the negotiation of interests but aims at some thing more, and starts to function as the metaphoric condensation of the global ­restructuring of the entire social space. There is a clear contrast between this subjectivization and today's proliferation of postmodern 'identity politics' whose goal is the exact opposite, that is, precisely the assertion of one's particular identity, of one's proper place within the social structure. The postmodern identity politics of particular (ethnic, sexual, etc.) life­styles perfectly fits the depoliticized notion of society, in which ever particular group is 'accounted for', has its specific status (of victim) acknowledged through affirmative action or other measures destined to guarantee social justice. The fact that this kind of justice meted out to victimized minorities requires an intricate police apparatus (for identify­ing the group in question, for punishing offenders against its rights – how legally to define sexual harassment or racial inquiry?, and so on – for providing the preferential treatment which should compensate for the wrong this group has suffered) is deeply significant: what is usually praised as ‘postmodern politics’ (the pursuit of particular issues whose resolution must be negotiated within the ‘rational’ global order allocating its particular component its proper place) is thus effectively the end of politics proper.

2NC Turn – Identity  Policing

Extend Zizek 99 – Identity politics which is based on assertion of a particular identity – like that of the affirmative – is actually DEPOLITICIZING because it locks in a PROPER place for the particular identity category within the social structure – makes proper politics impossible. Also, in order to ensure progress for the identity category, an intricate POLICE APPARATUS is required – for example to determine who falls within the identity and punish those who offenders against it. This turns the case because the police apparatus is one of the main tools used to keep minorities disempowered.

And, this police apparatus depoliticizes even the most progressive movements – demands like the aff can never reach the universal

Dean 2005 [Jodi, Associate Professor of Political Theory at Hobart & William Smith, Zizek against Democracy, 2005, jdeanicite.typepad.com/i_cite/files/zizek_against_ democracy_new_version.doc]

We can approach the same point from a different direction. Identity politics today emphasizes the specificity of each particular identity and experience. Particular differences are supposed to be acknowledged, respected. As Zizek points out, the notion of social justice that corresponds to this view depends on asserting the rights of and redressing the wrongs inflicted upon victims. Institutionally, then, identity politics “requires an intricate police apparatus (for identifying the group in question, for punishing offenders against its rights . . . , for providing the preferential treatment which should compensate for the wrong this group has suffered.” Rather than opening up a terrain of political struggle, identity politics works through a whole series of depoliticizing moves to locate, separate, and redress wrongs. Systemic problems are reformulated as personal issues. No particular wrong or harm can then stand in for the “universal wrong.” Multiculturalism is thus a dimension of post-politics insofar as it prevents the universalization of particular demands.

Identity mystifies exploitation and is not political enough

Myers 3 [Tony, Lecturer in English at the University of Glasgow, Scotland, “Slavoj Žižek”, pg. 124, 2003]

Todays postmodern politics of multiple subjectivities is precisely not political enough, in so far as it silently presupposes a non-thematized, 'naturalized’ framework of economic relations. (CHU: 108) In other words, for zizek, the new identity politics succeeds only at the expense of itself. It operates within the parameters of capitalism but does not seek to challenge them, thereby missing what should be the real target of politics. As an example, zizek cites studies of illegal aliens working on American farms which conclude that economic exploitation is a result of racial intolerance. By so doing, studies such as these and identity politics generally, mystify the real reasons for exploitation around the world which, Zizek argues, is actually a characteristic of capitalism.

Turn – ID Pltx  Universal Humanism

Turn – politicized identity relies on a negation of an ostensible universalism – reinstalls a white, masculine humanism which dooms their project to failure

Brown, 1995 (Wendy, Professor of Political Science and Rhetoric at UC-Berkeley, States of Injury: Power and Freedom in Late Modernity, published by Princeton UP, p. 64-65)

Contemporary politicized identity in the United States contests the terms¶ of liberal discourse insofar as it challenges liberalism's universal "we" as a¶ strategic fiction of historically hegemonic groups and asserts liberalism's¶ "I" as social-both relational and constructed by power-rather than¶ contingent, private, or autarkic. Yet it reiterates the terms of liberal discourse¶ insofar as it posits a sovereign and unified "I" that is disenfranchised by an exclusive "we." Indeed, I have suggested that politicized identity emerges and obtains its unifying coherence through the politicization of¶ exclusion from an ostensible universal, as a protest against exclusion: a protest premised on the fiction of an inclusive/ universal¶ community, a protest that thus reinstalls the humanist ideal-and a specific white,¶ middle-class, masculinist expression of this ideal-insofar as it premises itself upon exclusion from it. Put the other way around, politicized identities¶ generated out of liberal, disciplinary societies, insofar as they are premised on exclusion from a universal ideal, require that ideal, as their exclusion from it, for their own continuing existence as identities.

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