*Topicality/Definitions Democracy Promotion Includes Military Intervention
Civil Society Assistance Difficult in Yemen
Download 2.51 Mb.
|
- Navigate this page:
- CIVIL SOCIETY SECTOR IN YEMEN IS A FAÇADE – PROTECTS RATHER THAN CHALLENGES THE REGIME
- CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS IN YEMEN HAVE BEEN COOPTED
- CSOs IN YEMEN INEFFECTIVE DEPSITE THEIR GROWING NUMBERS
- YEMEN’S GOVERNMENT HAS STIFLED THE EFFECTIVE GROWTH OF CIVIL SOCIETY
- YEMEN’S CSOs FEAR DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION—SUPPORT CURRENT REGIME
- CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS IN YEMEN PROP UP THE AUTHORITARIAN GOVERNMENT
- BIG EFFECTIVE CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS IN YEMEN ARE THOSE MOST LIKELY TO BE COOPTED BY THE STATE
Civil Society Assistance Difficult in YemenCIVIL SOCIETY HAS FAILED TO PROMOTE DEMOCRACY IN YEMEN Sarah Phillips, National Democratic Institute-Yemen, 2008, Beyond the Façade: political reform in the Arab world, eds. M. Ottaway & J. Choucair-Vizoso, p. 242 The notion that civil society is a key base from which to propel a transition to democracy is a dominant theme in the literature on reform in the Arab world and in the democracy advocacy programs found throughout the region. After Yemeni unification, many civil society organizations emerged to fill the political space that was deliberately vacated by the regime, but they have not been sufficiently equipped to protest that space or fight for more once the regime began to retract it. Yemeni civil society’s inability to successfully counteract the regime has meant that it has not emerged as a key actor in promoting a democratic transition. There are three key barriers to civil society forming an effective counter-balance to the regime in Yemen. The first is that civil society tends to rearticulate the same system of patrimonialism that drives the ruling elite—the effectiveness of actors in the civil sphere is derived largely from their proximity to the leadership. Without personal connections to regime figures, political activists, advocacy groups, newspapers, and professional syndicates are unlikely to stay solvent or have their interests heard. Second, the way in which the concept of civil society has been applied to the Middle East by Western scholars and democracy promoters often presupposes an American lobby-group style of politics, where organized groups are empowered to bargain with the state to achieve specific goals. This assumes the rule of law and respect for the sovereignty of the state by t hose bargaining with it, neither of which are consistently apparent in Yemen. The law, or more often the lack of its enforcement, does not consistently protect civil groups, which makes it extremely difficult for activists to press beyond the regime’s redlines without risk of punishment. If civil society is to counteract the state, it must be clear where and what the state is, but Yemen’s tangled web of patron-client links makes this identification difficult. Finally, and most important, gains by civil society in Yemen, such as the growing number of organizations and the slightly more liberal regulatory laws, have not corresponded to losses in the regime’s power. In a pluralized authoritarian state, the presence of an active though stifled civil society can actually help to protect the state’s key political elites. The dilemma is that waiting for the state to grant genuine reforms is not an attractive option either. CIVIL SOCIETY SECTOR IN YEMEN IS A FAÇADE – PROTECTS RATHER THAN CHALLENGES THE REGIME Francesco Cavatorta & Vincent Durac, International Relations Lecturers Dublin City University and University College Dublin, 2011, Civil Society and Democratization in the Arab World: the dynamics of activism, p. 6 Chapter 6 explores the unique case of Yemen, the most politically liberalized state in the Arabian peninsula and one which, on the face of it, boasts a thriving civil society sector. The chapter examines the emergence of civil society in pre-unification Yemen before exploring the impact of unification in 1990 and political liberalization. From the short-lived civil war of 1994, Yemen presents the paradox of an apparently vibrant civil society in the context of what has been described as a “pluralized authoritarian state.” The existence of a multiparty system, regular competitive elections and a significant civil society sector; mask the grip on power of the dominant party of government, embodied in the person of a president who has been in office (pre- and post-unification) for over 30 years. The chapter sets out the features of the political system in Yemen and then explores the diversity of civil society in the country with particular reference to divisions within civil society, relations with the regime and the limitations of civil society actors in the political realm. It then examines the extent to which the quasi-liberalized political system in Yemen and the apparent proliferation of civil society activity may have the effect of consolidating the grip on power of an authoritarian regime, rather than challenging it in any meaningful way.
Francesco Cavatorta & Vincent Durac, International Relations Lecturers Dublin City University and University College Dublin, 2011, Civil Society and Democratization in the Arab World: the dynamics of activism, p. 110 And, as USAID points out, the environment in which Yemeni CSOs operate is not wholly comprehended by an analysis of legal texts—the political level is all important. The government proclaims itself to be supportive of a vibrant civil society—the official view is that civil society is a trusted partner in the development of Yemen, which is also consistent with the government’s interest in being perceived internationally as tolerant and democratic. However, there is still widespread official distrust of CSOs that are seen as meddling in politics (USAID 2007). This is a claim borne out in the view of CSO activists in Yemen. A closer analysis of civil society activism in Yemen yields the conclusion that regardless of legislative provision, the response of the government to the emergence of the civil society sector since unification has much in common with that of other Arab states, being primarily focused on control and cooptation of CSOs.
Francesco Cavatorta & Vincent Durac, International Relations Lecturers Dublin City University and University College Dublin, 2011, Civil Society and Democratization in the Arab World: the dynamics of activism, p. 110-1 The vast majority of Yemeni NGOs are charity-based and service-delivery NGOs. Many focus on the distribution of goods during religious celebrations and rely on wealthy individuals in Saudi Arabia and elsewhere in the Gulf for their income. NGOs in this category vary considerably in the extent to which they are well-organized and resourced. Many of the most effective organizations have close links with international donors or with political parties, notably Islah and the GPC. There are also 14 trade unions which come under the aegis of the General Federation of the Workers Union (GFWU), as well as professional and vocational associations but these are generally ineffective in providing services to their members and tend to be influenced or controlled by the government. Yemen also has an active press sector which predates unification. There were private newspapers in colonial Aden as well as government-controlled radio and television stations in Sanan’a while press freedoms suffered in the aftermath of the civil war of 1994, the media has resisted government efforts at exerting control. Nonetheless, the high levels of illiteracy and poverty in the country limit the influence of the print media in Yemen. Finally, increasing number of advocacy and rights-based NGOs have emerged since unification. These typically are urban-based, many are donor-dependent and vary greatly in terms of capacity and skills. Only a small number of these are genuinely effective. Despite the impressive numbers of organizations officially registered, the civil society sector in Yemen is beset by a wide range of difficulties which severely limit its effectiveness and render it largely ineffective in the promotion of significant political reform. Indeed, so close is the level of dependency on and congruency with the aims of the central government, it is more likely that civil society in Yemen functions as an arm of government rather than as a challenge to its authority. YEMEN’S GOVERNMENT HAS STIFLED THE EFFECTIVE GROWTH OF CIVIL SOCIETY Francesco Cavatorta & Vincent Durac, International Relations Lecturers Dublin City University and University College Dublin, 2011, Civil Society and Democratization in the Arab World: the dynamics of activism, p. 111-2 Lack of cooperation and coordination between CSOs also prevents their effective functioning. According to USAID, despite limited efforts at coordination, most relationships between CSOs are unstructured, “primarily ad hoc coordination mechanisms” and tend to be personal rather than institutional in nature (USAID 2007). These problems are compounded by a lack of transparency and internal democracy. This stems in part from the limited base of many NGOs and their personal character. It also has to do with the political environment in which they operate. Phillips cites the widespread view that local NGOs are so internally corrupt and their structure so undemocratic as to render them ineffective in promoting political change. She links this to the success of the regime in dividing potential opposition and in incorporating opposition figures into its patronage network (Phillips 2008). YEMEN’S CSOs FEAR DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION—SUPPORT CURRENT REGIME Francesco Cavatorta & Vincent Durac, International Relations Lecturers Dublin City University and University College Dublin, 2011, Civil Society and Democratization in the Arab World: the dynamics of activism, p. 114 Finally, for many political civil society activists there is the dilemma that any challenge that weakens the regime may pave the way for an alternative that is seen as less preferable. Fear of further Islamist successes prompts many to opt for an incremental approach to political change in Yemen that offers effective support to the regime. Despite her opposition to much that the regime is doing, Rahma Hugaira of the Media Women’s Forum, offered unambiguous support to the government because it represented a better option than an alternative dominated by conservative Islamists who find the work of the MWF deeply problematic (interview with Rahma Hugaira, Chairperson of the Media Women’s Forum).
Francesco Cavatorta & Vincent Durac, International Relations Lecturers Dublin City University and University College Dublin, 2011, Civil Society and Democratization in the Arab World: the dynamics of activism, p. 114-5 The case of civil society in Yemen yields some stark conclusions. First, the presence of an apparently vibrant civil society sector does not represent a challenge to the regime. Rather, and in keeping with the findings of other countries under study, the way it operates constitutes a support for an entrenched authoritarian regime in two ways. It provides international credibility—Yemen is seen as a country with a “better” record on political liberalization than many in the region partly because a substantial civil society sector operates. Also, promotion of civil society organizations, for example, as partners of the regime in its developmental efforts, facilitates access to funding which is vital given the extent of mismanagement of local resources. BIG EFFECTIVE CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS IN YEMEN ARE THOSE MOST LIKELY TO BE COOPTED BY THE STATE Francesco Cavatorta & Vincent Durac, International Relations Lecturers Dublin City University and University College Dublin, 2011, Civil Society and Democratization in the Arab World: the dynamics of activism, p. 115 Secondly, the existence of an apparently substantial civil society sector fails to challenge the Yemeni regime because, as elsewhere in the region, it lacks autonomy from the state. As we have seen, the vast majority of organizations are engaged in social service provision and are facilitated by the state in doing so since in doing so they shore up the failures of the state in this regard. Such organizations are often under-resourced, organizationally weak and lacking capacity and driven largely by local issues and agenda. As several studies have made clear, civil society organizations in Yemen are often centered on a single personality, lack internal democracy and any substantial commitment to democratic norms more broadly. Those that are powerful and well-resourced at national level are typically so because they enjoy political patronage that links them to the political status quo. This is certainly true for groups like the Al-Salih Foundation and the CSSW. But even for the Isah organization, despite its linkages with the opposition party, a close engagement with the structures of the state is necessary in order for its work to be done and, in any case, given that dense networks of tribal and religious affiliation characterize Yemeni civil society (and society more broadly) it is not always easy to speak of a straightforward government-opposition relationship between the Isah party and the GPC.
Directory: assets assets -> Northern territory of australia assets -> Number: caveat in the [Will/Will and Codicil/Estate of] assets -> Invitation for Bid Calact/mbta for Standard Floor and Low Floor Rural Duty Vehicles ifb no. 12-03 November 14, 2012 assets -> 12 Step Retreats For Everyone in Twelve Step Recovery Ratner Fellowship assets -> 12 Step Retreats For Everyone in Twelve Step Recovery Ratner Fellowship assets -> Sigaccess annual Report assets -> Central Government is expected to ask the seventh pay commission to consider merging 50% dearness allowance assets -> List of accessible executive records assets -> Emergency telephone numbers Call toll-free from anywhere in France Download 2.51 Mb. Share with your friends:
|