Initiating cooperation helps alliance—new model of relations
Lai 15 (David Lai, Research Professor of Asian Security Affairs at the Strategic Studies Institute of the U.S. Army War College, The Diplomat, 10-16-2015, "The Impasse of US-China Relations," Diplomat, http://thediplomat.com/2015/10/the-continuing-impasse-of-us-china-relations/) NV
The biggest difference was on Xi’s model for major-country relations. The Chinese foreign minister claimed that Xi and Obama had an extensive discussion of the new model. The No. 1 item on the Chinese list states that “the two sides commended the important outcomes of the meeting at Sunnylands in 2013, the meeting in Beijing in 2014, and the meeting in Washington in 2015 between the two presidents, and agreed to continue their efforts to build a new model of major-country relationship between China and the United States based on mutual respect and win-win cooperation.” However, the White House documentation has no record of Obama discussing the model with Xi and there is no mention of the Chinese initiative in any of the statements and releases either. We don’t know which side is telling the true story. Yet one can see that the different accounts are clearly bumps in the U.S.-China power transition. As this journey continues, the Chinese side will continue to press for mutual trust and respect; and insist that practical issues will go away if they have the strategic commitment from the United States. The U.S., however, always goes after specific problems in the two nations’ relations; and believes that trust and respect can only come from measurable cooperation. This journey will continue to be bumpy if the two nations continue to talk past each other with neither side willing to break the impasse.
Greitens 13 (Sheena Chestnut, senior fellow with the Center for East Asia Policy Studies at the Brookings Institute6-11-2013, "U.S.-China Relations and America’s Alliances in Asia," Brookings Institution, http://www.brookings.edu/research/opinions/2013/06/11-us-china-relations-asia-alliances-greitens)
To offset this risk, the United States should coordinate closely with each of its allies to anticipate possible developments and ensure that the alliance responds with measures that appropriately balance reassurance and restraint. (Here, the firm but non-escalatory response of the United States and the Republic of Korea to North Korea’s recent belligerent rhetoric provides a positive example.) It should also stress that disputes among American allies must not be allowed to derail cooperation on shared interests, and should support mechanisms that facilitate intra-allied cooperation. Conversely, Chinese leaders should understand that bilateral efforts to build strategic trust with China are a complement to America’s regional alliance commitments, and not a substitute for them. Less fear and more trust are indeed likely to contribute to a constructive U.S.-China relationship. But the principal foreign policy challenge facing the United States in Asia today is not the creation of strategic trust between Barack Obama and Xi Jinping, or between the United States and China. It is the challenge of alliance management: to reassure America’s allies without emboldening them toward unnecessary adventurism, and to use those alliances to deter potential adversaries without provoking them into spirals of conflict. Wise and steady management of U.S. alliances in Asia will make America’s interests and commitments clear, and help shape the level of conflict or cooperation in the U.S.-China relationship for years to come.