Examine any 5 Determinants of Social Policy in Developing Countries

The history of most developing nations shaped the direction of policy making especially those coming from colonial era like Zambia and Zimbabwe .Zhou and Zvoushe (2012:213) refer to how the colonial history of Zimbabwe remains a decisive factor in national policy making to present day since its attaining of independence in 1980 after seven years of battling for freedom from British colonists. Policies of the colonial regime were minority focused and laden with inequalities in income and wealth distribution .A transformation of the inherent policies was therefore necessary for the new government to reconstitute and realign the inherited national policy making structures in line with the new socio-politico-economic dispensation that had set in ( Zhou and Zvoushe 2012 :213) .Challenge was on the new government to transform the inherited policies from minority focused to majority focused. .Inequalities within the agricultural, education, industrial and banking sectors were very visible and needed redress according to Zhou and Zvoushe .The Native Reserves policy of the British colonists was the existent order masked with systematic mass land expropriation by white settlers the native Black people were settled in low production area while Whites settlers got the lion's share of fertile land. Kariwo and Shizha also explore how the education policies during the colonial era were very restrictive for the Black population, most only learnt up to sixth or seventh years of primary schooling while the White children could go as far as they wanted. Schools were segregated according to race and Whites and Blacks could not mix. At independence it was imperative therefore for the new government to inherit a system of education that was not racially biased and equal in both governance and quality. The new Zimbabwe therefore adopted a socialist path in its policy planning which witnessed incredible strides in school expansion, teacher training, and resource improvement the main driving principle was “Growth with Equity” (Kariwo and Shizha). These policies were adopted as an attempt by government to redress the inherited inequities and imbalances in access to basic needs such as education, health facilities and social services. This history of segregation also underlined the state-centric nature of policy making in parastatal, agricultural, health, education, labour and social welfare sectors. (Zhou and Zvoushe 2012:13)

Mafuleka (2005: 1) also cites how history was a major determinant of policy making in Zambia when it attained its independence in 1964. The colonial policies were discriminatory against the local people who had virtually been disfranchised .Politically the policy implementing apparatus of the colonial government had an authoritarian structure and organisational paternalism.(Mafuleka 200: 2) Its main thrust was on maintaining law and order, tax collection and providing minimal possible public services without considering the natives’ social welfare needs. It is the backdrop of this history that saw the new ruling party United National Independence Party (UNIP) making attempts to formulate policies which had to make public services more efficient and establish new institutions more responsive to the needs of the Zambian population.

A nation’s culture is another factor that influences the direction and implementation of policy .Pfau-Effinger describes culture as ‘system of collective constructions of meaning by which human beings define reality’ it includes stocks of knowledge, values, and norms ideals in sum ideas. These cultural norms and values are used as bases for policies and legal regulations by the social actors governments or politicians who refer the cultural contexts of citizens to justify and legitimise policies (Pfau-Effinger 2005 :134 ) The former president of Zimbabwe R, Mugabe is well known for his stance against homosexuality .At the United Nations General Assembly September 2015 Mugabe said: “We equally reject attempts to prescribe new rights that are contrary to our norms, values, traditions and beliefs. We are not gays” As a policy maker who is an elect member the president should conform to the wills and preferences of his electorate and this stance reflects the traditional norms of the Zimbabwean culture which abhors practise of homosexuality .In fact the current constitution of Zimbabwe criminalises gays and lesbians unlike the liberal cultures of New Zealand, France and others who openly accept same sex marriages .The Pindula News reports how the Gays and Lesbians Association in Zimbabwe is almost giving up their fight citing the countries’ policies on gay rights as too conservative ( Pindula News 14 November 2016.)The GALZ had hoped with the ushering in of the new president E.D Mnangagwa this policy would change in their favour but he quite rightly stood his ground that under Zimbabwe’s Constitution, homosexuality is banned and, therefore, talking about gay rights does not come into question.( Newsday February 2, 2018) This goes to show how strongly culture determines policy making.

On the other hand policy formulation can be determined by a need to regulate certain cultural practises in the advent of the global Human Rights discourse. The Amendment of the Marriage Act in Zimbabwe raised the minimum marriage age to 18 years in January 2016 thereby banning child marriages .This came as a response to campaigns against some cultural and religious practises which saw girls as young as 8 years being married off. Plan International reports how it hails banning of child marriages in Zimbabwe, Guatemala and Malawi (Plan International Thursday, 21 February, 2008). Some cultural practises can therefore trigger new policy formulation to protect certain sects of the population

Resources availability is another crucial determining factor of social policy. Strong linkages between policy, planning and budgeting are necessary for developing country governments to use limited resources efficiently and effectively. Shizha and Kariwo explore how the new education policies introduced at independence in 1980 failed to make a sustainable fiscal forecast. As discussed earlier the new inclusive and free education policy saw unprecedented increase in student enrolments in the first two decades of independence and expansion produced other consequences and side effects such as reduced levels of resources at educational institutions and overcrowding. There were shortages of books and other necessary educational materials. (Shizha and Kariwo) Furthermore the deterioration of the economy meant dwindling of resources available to support free primary education and free health services. (Kaseke etal 1998:24)1n the late 1980s the government was forced to review its policies on social service provision and reintroduced tuition fees for primary education in urban areas only. In the health sector there was no major policy shift, but government reduced funding to local authorities and mission hospitals which forced these institutions to introduce medical fees in order to recover the costs incurred in providing medical treatment. This is a clear indication of how resources determine the policy model adopted .Lack of resources makes it difficult to sustain some policies

Politics also plays a major role in influencing social policy. All social policies are implemented by governments which are “ideally” elected to run the country by the electorate who vote for the preferred political party. The ruling government therefore creates policies which affect the well-being of its citizens. It is therefore the preferences and choices of the political actors that prevail in policy formulation, choices whether to or not to invest in certain policy ventures. (Isabel and Carneys 2009; 103) Mwansa etal (1998:65) notes that evidence exists which point to political expediency as a determinant of policy in Botswana. They cite that the Accelerated Rural Development Programme (ARDP) and the Arable Land Grazing Programme (ALDEP) which preceded the 1974 and 1979 general elections in Botswana were introduced for the purpose of the survival of the ruling Botswana Democratic Party. Picard (1987) reiterates that the ARDP was introduced in 1974 government to perpetuate its political hegemony in the rural areas .A presidential directive was issued ordering the Ministry of Finance and Development Planning to ensure that projects were visible on the ground by September 30th 1974, which was twenty-one days before the general elections. (Picard 1987) Such a scenario is similar of the period preceding the 2018 Zimbabwe Harmonised elections. The president launched the 100 day economic reformation plan which addressed several policy shifts meant to curb corruption, reduce police roadblocks and engage international investors in the “Zimbabwe is open for Business” mantra. The timing of these exercises and policy changes clearly points to political social policy manoeuvring by the ruling party to gain mileage.

Zhou and Zvoushe also indicate that nature of government that is its institutional and leadership practices have a direct bearing on public policies while policy outcomes in turn impact on government legitimacy. Dye stipulates that public policies are central instruments through which the “fundamental choices” of the political authorities are executed .Politicians then regulate societal behaviour and extract, allocate and distribute resources to different segments of society within the economy. The current government of Zimbabwe has a bias towards military sector having a military origin through the 2018 coup which saw the army displacing the former president R. Mugabe also its Vice president being a retired brigadier general .The dispensation therefore has policies that channel more resources to the military in comparison with other civil sectors.

Lastly on this discussion another major influence in social policy the linkage or relationships of a nation with International and external agencies. These are agencies like the World Bank, International Monetary Fund and other Non-governmental agencies like International Labour Organisation (ILO).Kaseke etal review how interaction of the Zimbabwe government in 1990 with IMF led to adoption of the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP).

The IMF came up with policy structures that were attached to its aiding the struggling economy which saw the introduction of cutbacks on social services expenditure and instituting cost sharing measures. This was in a bid to revitalise the economy .This shows how policies can be determined by international financial giants .The ILO has also made significant inroads in developuing countries’ labour and social security policies .Through the ratifications of its conventions the ILO has been instrumental in shaping the Zimbabwe Pensions and Other Benefits Scheme.