Foundation Briefs Advanced Level September/October Brief Resolved



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There is no “Public Good”


Public Good Argument Fails AMS

Griffin, Tom. “Pro Sport's Impact on the Economy is Closer to a Bunt than a Home Run, but There May Be Other Reasons to Keep Teams Swinging at Home.” University of Washington. June 1997. https://www.washington.edu/alumni/columns/june97/game1.html Web. 20 Aug. 2014

Just as a community supports parks, libraries, zoos and aquariums, it should also support professional sports as a public good, say some advocates. "The Seahawks help celebrate our cultural diversity. Fans from all walks of life unite in a common effort behind our team," notes literature from Football Northwest. "The Seahawks identify Seattle and the Northwest as a world class city and region."

"You have to remember that the Mariners, Sonics and Seahawks are not just enjoyed by the fans in the stadium," adds Conway. "There are hundreds of thousands of fans who watch them on TV and listen to them on the radio. Think about that enjoyment. That has a value."



But measuring that value is close to impossible. Public Affairs Professor Richard Zerbe, an economist who does cost benefit studies, says his field defines a public good as an element the normal market system can't value. Classic examples of public goods are pollution control and national defense, he explains.

Few "public good" studies have tried to find the value of sports, he adds. To truly measure the public good, "you'd have to track those who are not fans who would nevertheless be willing to keep the Seahawks in Seattle. How much would they be willing to pay?" Zerbe tried to interest the Kingdome Renovation Task Force into funding such a study, but the group turned him down.

"If you accept the public good argument," Zerbe adds, "then you have to allow for some kind of public ownership. If there is a public good, why not let the public buy stock in the enterprise?"

Urban politics expert Bryan Jones, a UW political science professor recently hired away from Texas A&M, finds little in new sports facilities that contributes to the public good. "You need a common sense approach," he maintains. "If you sat down and put together a list of priorities for this region, it is hard to believe that two sports stadiums would be at the top of the list."

Jones says there is a "funnel" effect for public projects, especially construction of new facilities. A lot of proposals are at the top of the funnel but only a few make it all the way through to completion. "If you crowd out public projects with two sports stadiums, something else is not going to be done," he warns.



If Pro Teams use vague statistics or cite the public good, remind them that concrete numbers are needed for economic evaluations.

Civic Pride Leads To An Increase In Crime


Sport Franchises Hide Crimes For Positive Public Image. ASF

Halsne, Chris. "Crime inside NFL Stadiums Hidden from Police." Seattle News, Weather, Traffic, Video and Sports. KIRO, 31 Jan. 2013 http://www.kirotv.com/news/news/crime-inside-nfl-stadiums-hidden-police/nT9RP/

The National Football League keeps detailed records of crime, alcohol abuse and security failures inside every NFL stadium on game day, but, in an effort to protect certain teams from public scrutiny, keeps the data secret.¶ A months-long investigation by KIRO-TV in Seattle (CBS/Cox Media Group) found that many local police departments are helping the NFL’s cause, by either failing to create crime reports or underreporting incidents that occur in the stands and nearby parking lots during football games. In an effort to independently compile fan-related crime statistics, KIRO 7 contacted police departments covering all 32 NFL teams and requested information from police reports taken on game days. So far, investigative reporter Chris Halsne has reviewed about 10,000 incidents over two-and-a half seasons. Hundreds of felony-level crime arrests appear in the reports; including, rape, kidnapping, lynching, theft, drug dealing, child sexual abuse and aggravated assault of police officers. Thousands more cases of misdemeanor and citable offenses like public intoxication, simple assault, exposure and scalping also show up in the reports reviewed.

Here we see that stadiums are covering up thousands of crimes strictly due to the popularity of teams. Any argument that will say it is beneficial for civic pride now can be turned for the pro, because the pride people take in the stadium causes the organization to hide crime.

City-championed urban renewal projects drive up and redistribute criminal activity DAT

Dannes, Jeff. “Collateral Damage: Unintended Consequences of Urban Renewal in Baltimore, MD.” Washington and Lee University.n.d. Web. http://www2.wlu.edu/documents/shepherd/academics/cap_03_dannes.pdf

However dramatic crime reductions (and socio-economic improvements) may have been in the regions most immediately effected by urban renewal (Inner Harbor/Camden Yards, Fells Point, Canton and lower Downtown), crime rates throughout the city remained at high levels. Indeed, Schumacher and Leitner remind us that even in most of downtown, crime rates were unaffected by the Harbor Project. Indeed, in many of the city’s poorest neighborhoods, crime rates made a statistically significant increase after the Harbor Project began to significantly impact crime rates along the waterfront. Analysis of city crime rates through the use of Global Information Systems (GIS) data seems to indicate that urban renewal in downtown Baltimore did not solve, to any consequential degree, the City’s crime problems, and in fact may have displaced criminal activity, shifting crime away from the Harbor and into adjacent communities.

Unsurprisingly one of the areas that saw startling increases in crime after renewal began was Sandtown. One of downtown Baltimore’s stable subareas before the city began its ambitious urban renewal schemes, this location seems to have received much of Downtown’s displaced criminal activity. Changes in crime rates are affected by numerous factors: prosecution patterns, drug trade and vacancy are merely a few of these. But the facts on Sandtown remain undeniably clear: the once stable area became one of Baltimore’s most dangerous after renewal began. In addition to the measured increases in burglary, the neighborhood also became one of the centers for the city’s active open-air drug market. The violent crime rate in Sandtown is three times that of the Inner Harbor. It also experienced simultaneous increases in poverty and vacancy rates. With limited police presence, unlit, narrow streets and little established commerce, Sandtown stands in stark contrast to the vibrancy of the Harbor. It is certainly unfair to suggest that (despite circumstantial evidence of crime displacement) renewal in the Harbor is chiefly responsible for increases in criminal activity in Sandtown. However, the neighborhood stands as a rather stark reminder of the neighborhoods left behind by urban renewal.

The above card is a detailed analysis on Baltimore’s Inner Harbor urban renewal project, which included new baseball and football stadiums to complement massive investments in cultural, commercial, and residential spaces. If we include surrounding neighborhoods in our scope of a “local community” (a fair assumption), we see a decrease in the overall prosperity of this community due to urban renewal schemes as a whole.




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