Globalization, Market Transition, and Variety of Developmental Models: a comparison of Four Automakers in the Chinese Car Industry



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Globalization, Market Transition, and Variety of Developmental Models: A Comparison of Four Automakers in the Chinese Car Industry

by

Qiushi Feng



Department of Sociology

Duke University


Date:_______________________

Approved:


___________________________

Bai Gao, Supervisor


___________________________

Gary Gereffi


___________________________

Nan Lin
___________________________

Edward Tiryakian
___________________________

David Soskice


Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of

the requirements for the degree of Doctor

of Philosophy in the Department of

Sociology in the Graduate School

of Duke University
2009

ABSTRACT

Globalization, Market Transition, and Variety of Developmental Models: A Comparison of Four Automakers in the Chinese Car Industry

by

Qiushi Feng



Department of Sociology

Duke University


Date:_______________________

Approved:


___________________________

Bai Gao, Supervisor


___________________________

Gary Gereffi


___________________________

Nan Lin
___________________________

Edward Tiryakian
___________________________

David Soskice


An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial

fulfillment of the requirements for the degree

of Ph.D. in the Department of

Sociology in the Graduate School

of Duke University
2009

Copyright by

Qiushi Feng

2009


Abstract


The Chinese automobile industry has been experiencing some profound changes during the market transition and globalization. Regarding to the ownership structure and technological upgrading strategies of the domestic assemblers, there have emerged four major developmental models. Transitional theoretical perspectives have limitations in face of these differing models. In this study, a perspective of social construction is proposed to resolve this research question. This dissertation explores four representative cases including FAW, SAIC Group, Chery and Geely. The major argument is that the local political structure, developmental ideas and agencies as necessary components of local social construction have resulted in the divergent paths among these Chinese car makers.


Table of Contents


Abstract iv

Table of Contents v

List of Abbreviations x

Acknowledgement xii

1. Introduction 1

1.1 The Puzzle of Differing Developmental Models 4

1.2 Literature Review 12

1.2.1 Specific Studies about the Chinese Automobile Industry 12

1.2.2 The Market Transition Arguments 14

1.2.3 Perspectives of Technological Upgrading 15

1.3 Toward a Theoretical Framework of Social Construction 20

1.3.1 Two General Propositions 20

1.3.2 Approach of Social Construction 22

1.4 Selection of Cases 30

1.5 Outline of Chapters 31

2. FAW, Senior Son of the Chinese Automobile Industry 33

2.1 Persistent Dominance of the Central Government 33

2.1.1 Northeast, The National Heavy-industry Base 34

2.1.2 FAW, A National Automobile Workshop 36

2.1.3 Enduring State-enterprise Relationship in the Reform 42

2.2 New Orientations of the National Car Industry 47

2.2.1 Promotion of Domestic Automobile Production 48

2.2.2 FAW, A Loyal Follower 53

2.3 Transforming FAW for National Interests 54

2.3.1 From State-managed Factory to State-owned Corporation 55

2.3.2 Upgrading under Directions 62

2.4 Case Summery 68

3. Shanghai Automobile, King of Domestic Market 70

3.1 Growth of a Centrally-sponsored Local Developmental State 71

3.1.1 An Industrial Base in the Planned Economy System 71

3.1.2 Shift in the Local Political Structure 77

3.2 Local Plan and National Breakthrough 83

3.2.1 Shanghai’s Initiatives for Cars 83

3.2.2 Ideas about China’s First Joint Venture 87

3.3 Starting a New Age for the Chinese Car Industry 92

3.3.1 Going toward a Locally-owned Corporation 92

3.3.2 Establishing Joint Venture and Making Cars 97

3.4 Case Summery 107

4. Chery Auto, Champion in Making National Cars 108

4.1 Local States Rising in Decentralization 108

4.1.1 Anhui in the Planned Economy Era 109

4.1.2 Decentralization and Local Autonomy 112

4.1.3 “Businessman with Red Hat” 114

4.2 Local Dream versus Central Regulations 119

4.2.1 Making Cars, A New Answer for Anhui Economy 120

4.2.2 Industrial Concentration: A Conflicting Logic 126

4.3 Chery, the Unexpected Automaker in China 129

4.3.1 Hijacking the Central Government for Acknowledgment 130

4.3.2 Making Cars Alone 135

4.4 Case Summery 143

5. Geely Auto, The First Grass-roots Automaker 145

5.1 Market Transition, Zhejiang Type: Rise of Private Economy 145

5.1.1 “Zhejiang Phenomenon” 146

5.1.2 Private Economy, Rising Up in Transition 150

5.2 The Dream for Cars: Personal Impulse or Local Culture? 154

5.2.1 “Taizhou Manufacture”: A Special Local Industrial Culture 154

5.2.2 The Automobile Maniac and His Opponents 162

5.3 Geely Auto, Developed without Official Backgrounds 164

5.3.1 Survival in Discriminations 165

5.3.2 Geely’s Upgrading Road: Challenges and Passion 172

5.4 Case Summery 180

6. Conclusion and Discussion 182

6.1 Four Developmental Models under Social Constructions 182

6.2 Transnational Corporations in the Chinese Car Industry 191

6.3 New Trends of in the Chinese Automobile Industry 195

Appendix I: Chinese Enterprises in the Planned Economy Era 202

Appendix II: The Current Management of Chinese Automobile Industry 203

203


References 204

Biography 219




List of Tables

Table 1: The Automobile Industry of China in the World 3

Table 2: Car Makers in China with a Sale over 50,000 in 2003 10

Table 3: Distribution of “156 Projects” (unit: 1 million yuan) 35

Table 4: Comparisons between Toyota and FAW in 1980s 53

Table 5: National and Shanghai Fiscal Income and Expense (unit: 1 billion yuan) 76

Table 6: Major Joint Venture Projects in the Chinese Car Industry, 1983-2004 91

Table 7: SAIC Group on the Stock Market, 1997 to 2007 97

Table 8: Introduced Cars in Shanghai Automobile, 1985 to 2001 99

Table 9: Major Cases of “Businessman with Red Hat” in Anhui 115

Table 10: The Rank of Anhui Economy across China, 1985 to 1999 120

Table 11: The Rank of Zhejiang Economy across China, 1980 to 2001 147

Table 12: Comparing Zhejiang, Guangdong, Jiangsu and Shandong in 2006 148

Table 13: A Summery of Social Constructions of the Four Chinese Car Makers 186

Table 14: Assembler Projects of the Incoming Transnational Corporations in China 193

Table 15: VW, GM and Toyota in China 194




List of Figures

Figure 1: The Foreign Trade of Automobile in China 3

Figure 2: Developmental Models of Major Chinese Car Makers in Recent Years 6

Figure 3: Geographic Distribution of the Chinese Major Car Makers 7

Figure 4: The Approach of Social Construction 28

Figure 5: The Organizational Structure of FAW 38

Figure 6: Automobile Output of FAW, 1956 to 1980 (unit: vehicle) 39

Figure 7: The Product Structure of the Chinese Automobile Industry, 1955-1981 50

Figure 8 China’s Car Import, 1980s and 1990s 51

Figure 9: The Industry Structure of Shanghai, 1952 to 1978 75

Figure 10: National and Shanghai’s GDP Growth, 1980 to 1990 (unit: percentage) 77

Figure 11: Output of Shanghai-VW and Shanghai-GM, 1985 to 2006 (unit: 1,000) 98

Figure 12: The Ratio of Domestic Production of Santana, 1987 to 1996 104

Figure 13: The Fiscal Decentralization of China, 1980s and 1990s 114

Figure 14: Total Number of Chinese Automobile Assemblers, 1950s to 1980s 127

Figure 15: Patent Number of Automakers in China by February of 2006 141

Figure 16: The Industry Structure of Taizhou, 1978 to 2004 (unit: 1 billion) 155

Figure 17: Geely Auto Going Public, 2003 to 2005 169

Figure 18: Sale of Geely by Models in 2007 (total: 18, 1517vehicles) 176

Figure 19: Chinese Enterprises in Planned Economy Era 202

Figure 20: The Current Management System in the Chinese Automotive Industry 203




List of Abbreviations


Beijng Automobile Factory (BAF)

Beijing Automobile Industry Holding Corporation (BAIC)

Center of Development Research of the State Council (CDRSC)

Changchun Automobile Research Institute (CARI)

China Association of Automobile Manufacturers (CAAM)

China Automotive Industry Federation (CAIF)

China Automotive Technology and Research Center (CATRC)

China Central Television (CCTV)

China National Automotive Industry Corporation (CNAIC)

Committee of Shanghai Automobile Industry History (CSAIH)

Committee of Shanghai Automobile Industry Record (CSAIR)

Committee of Shanghai Local Record (CSLR)

Committee of Shanghai Fiscal and Taxation Record (CSFTR)

Committee of Shanghai Yearbook (CSY)

Communist Party of China (CPC)

Completely Knock Down (CKD)

Daimler Chrysler (DC)

Department of Land and Resource (DLR)

Development Research Center of the State Council (DRCSC)

Dongfeng Motor Corporation (DMC)

Economic and Trade Commission (ETC)

Editorial Committee of History of China Automotive Industry (ECHCAI)

Factory Director Responsibility System (FDRS)

First Auto Works (FAW)

Five Year Plan (FYP)

General Motors Corporation (GM)

Great Wall Motor Corporation (Great Wall)

Guangzhou Automobile Industry Group Corporation (GAIG)

Hafei Automobile Group (HAG)

History and Record Office (HRO)

Jiangxi Changhe Automobile Corporation (JCA)

Leading Team of the Development of Shanghai Car Industry (LTDSCI)

Ministry of Heavy Industry (MHI)

Ministry of Machinery Industry (MMI)

National Economic Commission (NEC)

National Planning Commission (NPC)

National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC)

Original Brand Manufacture (OBM)

Original Design Manufacture (ODM)

Original Equipment Manufacture (OEM)

Peugeot Citroën (PSA)

Proper Glory Corporation (PG)

Research and Design (R&D)

Second Auto Works (SAW)

Shanghai Automotive Corporation (SAC)

Shanghai Automobile Factory (SAF)

Shanghai Automobile Industry Corporation (SAIC)

Shanghai Automobile Industry Corporation Motor Corporation (SAIC Motor)

Shanghai Automobile Industry (Group) Corporation (SAIC Group)

Shanghai Automobile Industry Technology Center (SAITC)

Shanghai Economic Committee (SEC)

Shanghai State-owned Asset Supervision and Administration Commission (SSASAC)

Shanghai Tractor and Automobile Industry Corporation (STAIC)

Shanghai Tractor and Automobile Industry Coordination Corporation (STAICC)

Sino-Soviet Friendship Association (SSFA)

Sport utility vehicle (SUV)

State-owned Asset Supervision and Administration Commission (SASAC)

Research Team on Taizhou Private Economy (RTTPE)

Tianjin Automobile Industry Corporation (Tianjin Auto)

Volkswagen (VW)

Wuhu Construction and Investment Corporation (WCIC)

Wuhu Economic and Technological Development Zone (WETDZ)

Yuejing Automobile Group (YAG)

Acknowledgement


I sincerely appreciate the great intellectual guidance from my dissertation committee members, Dr. Bai Gao, Dr. Gary Gereffi, Dr. Nan Lin, Dr. Edward Tiryakian and Dr. David Soskice. I want to show special thankfulness to my advisor, Dr. Bai Gao. Without his careful instructions and inspiring suggestions, this project could not be accomplished.

I would like to show my gratitude to Graduate School of Duke University for offering me the Julian Prices Fellowship. This funding helped my dissertation writing in the past year. I also appreciate the Asia/Pacific Studies Institute of Duke University, which awarded me the summer fieldwork fellowship twice to assist my fieldworks in China. And this work is definitely indebted to Sociology Department of Duke University as well for its wonderful PhD program.

I want to thank all of my local friends in China, who had provided great convenience and assistance during my investigations in China. With their assistance, I acquired many precious opportunities to observe the Chinese automobile industry.

At last, my family deserves credits here. My wife, Zhao Mian, always gives me her best support throughout my academic life in Duke. My parents, Feng Zhanji and Gou Zhiying, are certainly the best father and mother in the world.




1. Introduction


The recent rise of China in the global economy has attracted growing attention among social scientists. Since the start of market reform and economic opening efforts in the early 1980s, the Chinese economy has maintained high and persistent rates of growth. Behind this fast economic development lie close connections to increasing globalization and great transformations of economic institutions in China. With respect to these profound changes, one of best illustrative examples might be the automobile sector.

The Chinese automobile industry in the post-reform period indeed presents a very impressive picture of structural transformation and economic growth. In early 1980s, the national output of automobiles in China was only 0.2 to 0.3 million; output reached over one million by 1992. As can be seen from Table 1.1, Chinese automobile output has increased over four times, from 1.63 million in 1998 to 7.19 million 2006. Of special note, from 2001 to 2006, the annual increase was approximately as many as one million vehicles (CATRC and CNAIC 2007). This quick output growth led China to a global position as the third largest automobile-making country, following only Japan and United States (Table 1). This burgeoning production is mainly driven by passenger cars. In the early 1980s, cars occupied less than 1% of total production. By comparison, in 2006 the proportion of cars increased to over half of automobile production. Additionally, in 2006, with a total sale about 7 million vehicles, China replaced Japan as the world’s second largest automobile market, following only the United States.

The growth of the Chinese automobile industry not only mirrors the rise of China in the global economy since the 1980s, but also points to some essential characteristics of Chinese economic development during this period.

On the one hand, the development of the Chinese automobile industry is closely associated with the globalization of the world automobile industry. With regards to the global automobile trade, a pattern of “large import and large export” has taken form in China since the late 1990s (Figure 1). In 2006, automobile imports and exports exceeded 20 billion US dollars. By comparison, total imports and exports in 1981 were less than 4 billion (CNAIC 1991; CATRC and CNAIC 2007). In terms of foreign investment, after VW first established a Chinese joint venture in 1985, all of the other “6+3”1 international automakers have come to China in succession: GM, PSA, and Honda came in 1990s, while Ford, Toyota, Nissan, BMW, and DC followed in the new century. Accompanying these assemblers are the international suppliers, which follow their major clients for new business opportunities provided by automakers in China. With the increasingly active export of auto-parts recently, China appears to be becoming more broadly integrated into the global automobile production network.



Table 1: The Automobile Industry of China in the World

Source: Organisation Internationale des Constructeurs d'Automobiles (OCIA)





Figure 1: The Foreign Trade of Automobile in China

Source: CATRC and CNAIC 2007

Note: Left axis measures total automobile exports with a unit of 1,000 vehicles; right axis is for auto-parts exports value with a unit of 1 billion US dollars.

On the other hand, the Chinese automobile industry is a model case that reflects unique characteristics of economic reform as it evolves in China. As a sector indispensable for multiple heavy industries, the automobile industry was emphasized by national leaders from the very beginning of the planned economy era. In consequence, the automobile industry intensively reflected the institutional essentials of the planned economy system; automobile enterprises were order-receiving factories, owned and directly managed by central or local governments; within the enterprises, the party committee as a political organization operated at the helm of administration. Enterprises, in such an economic system, barely enjoyed any autonomy and were merely tools to fulfill production tasks sent from above (Appendix I).

However, during the period of economic reform, the Chinese automobile industry was greatly renovated. With respect to the macro level issue of management mechanisms, the top-down command system was perceived to be completely broken: at the beginning of the reform, the central government tried to establish a large association-like corporation to organize national automakers; next, the automobile industry was handed over to a non-specialized administration, STEC; recently, STEC was replaced by NDRC as a general planning institution for the national economy (Appendix II). At the micro level, modern enterprise institutions have been applied: the state gradually transferred autonomy away from the central government, which allowed enterprises to carry out management and placed the factory director over the party committee as the head administrator. During the 1990s, the state further shaped these enterprises into corporations similar to those in other countries by refining the ownership and governance structures that regulate these companies. In sum, the Chinese automobile industry has been transformed into a sector resembling the modern market economy.



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