People’s Power for Economic Freedom Table of Content

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Economic Freedom Fighters 1st National People’s Assembly Discussion Documents:

People’s Power for Economic Freedom
Table of Content


Chapter 2 Organisational Building 5

Chapter 4 Justice and Correctional Service 52

Chapter 6 Social Transformation .90

Chapter 8 Education Error: Reference source not found15

Chapter 10 Arts, Culture and Economic Emancipation in our lifetime 152

Chapter 12 International Relations Perspective 182



Base Document

Economic Freedom Fighters Discussion Documents for the 1st National Assembly:

People’s Power for Economic Freedom
The Economic Freedom Fighters is going to its first elective National People’s Assembly in December 2014. This gathering is important because it will be attended by elected delegates from across all regions and provinces of South Africa. The National Assembly on What is to be done happened which happened on the 26th and 27th of July 2013 gave a concrete mandate and programme to revolutionary Activists to found a mass based organisation, which should exist in all corners of South Africa, lead communities and society and mostly importantly seize political power, capture the state, transform the economy for the benefit of all.
The 1st National People’s Assembly is convened under the theme PEOPLE’S POWER FOR ECONOMIC FREEDOM, with the understanding that the immediate and most important task of the EFF as an economic emancipation movement is building and consolidation of people’s power for economic freedom struggles. “People’s Power” in this context means organised people’s power because as Lenin notes, “Without a strong organisation skilled in waging political struggle under all circumstances and at all times, there can be no question of that systematic plan of action, illumined by firm principles and steadfastly carried out, which alone is worthy of the name of tactics”.
The 1st National People’s Assembly also completes the ongoing process of democratisation of the Economic Freedom Fighters as a revolutionary democratic movement and organisation fighting for leadership role of all economic freedom struggles in South Africa and the entire African continent. Democratic participation and involvement is vital for any organisation to sustain itself and for the leadership to be held accountable within the principles of the organisation. Democracy is vital in that no single individual has the complete prescriptions of what should happen.
What are the existing political conditions?
Without organisational capacity and strength to match the existing political formations and without resources and proven historical record in governance and political leadership, the EFF partook in the 2014 general elections and recorded what was largely interpreted as success for a new political party. The EFF’s achievement is however far below what majority of the members and leaders of the EFF anticipated, but largely reflected the amount of organisational and political work done in various regions and provinces.

Without failure, where work was done, adequate outcomes and results were recorded. A great lesson out of the elections though has been a realisation that joining into protests the EFF did not start does not automatically translate into electoral support. Winning voters does not naturally come on the basis that there were fed berets at the forefront of a protest action. What wins the electorate are properly constituted structures, united and cogent campaigns, not joining into protests we did not start.
We are in the space where the ANC is politically, ideologically and organisationally disintegrating. Politically, the ANC will within the foreseeable future be confronted with a crisis of succession which will inhibit its capacity to campaign for elections and win absolute majority like it has been the case since 1994. Ideologically, the ANC does not know what it wants and has adopted a poorly conceptualised second transition phase, which is defined as radical, yet is repetition of what has been since 1994.
Organisationally, the centre cannot hold and provide holistic political leadership. The intended aim of the suspensions and expulsions of the core of leaders of the ANC Youth League 24th National Congress leadership was meant instil discipline and intimidate members that challenging incumbent leaders will lead to organisational isolation, banishment and condemnation. Such was misconstrued as a mechanism of setting up those expelled to be rejected and condemned by society, simply on the basis that they no longer belong to the ANC.
It is quite apparent that such did not happen because organisational discipline in the ANC and its allies has collapsed due to the fear that if the ANC takes action against its members, they will either start a political party or join the EFF. The ANC is in a paralysis of organisational discipline and conduct and such provides an opportunity to weaken it further, since a weak, divided and toothless ANC is an important development which the EFF should maximise on.
Despite the EFF’s relative numerical capacity in the National Parliament, we are currently on a correct path and approach to perform of legislative and oversight functions. Our broad aim in Parliament is to illustrate that we are indeed a government in waiting and can provide cogent alternatives in the process of holding the executive accountable and passing legislation which will benefit majority of our people. The EFF’s participation in parliament is indeed a turning point in the history of politics in South Africa.
Unfortunately, the view we have of the role of the EFF in National parliament cannot be said of Provincial Legislatures. Provincial legislatures continue to be insignificant, and the EFF representatives in those legislatures are not shaking them to the extent that will draw the province or national’s interest.
Overall, our analysis is that all the existing political parties in Parliament do not offer real alternatives, except the EFF. The Democratic Alliance as the biggest opposition party does not propose anything substantially different to the ANC, they fight over how to best implement the failed neo-liberal policies which are being pursued by the ruling ANC.
There exists in South Africa a growing voice for alternate trade unions mainly because the biggest trade union is in alliance with the ANC. The internal COSATU squabbles and differences do not seem to be real ideological and political differences, but differences on who should be leading at what level in the organisation.

Civil society formations are dominated predominantly by white left activists, most of whom do not want to enter into the sphere of real revolutionary politics. The non-involvement of left activists in politics is self-defeatist because majority of the propositions civil society advocates for do not go anywhere, but remain in boardrooms. While some components of civil society hold genuine beliefs and alternatives, their hubris approach to political activism condemns them to permanent insignificance.
Policy questions:
The 1st National Assembly will be deliberating on substantial policy questions and take resolutions which will form an important component of the organisation moving forward. The distinct component about the policy perspectives and documents that will be adopted in the 1st National People’s Assembly is that they constitute inaugural policy positions of the EFF on many aspects. Even when successive People’s Assemblies amend these policy positions, they will continue to occupy a special place in the organisation as inaugural policy positions which generations to come will reflect on and use as authority to argue many aspects of what they will be dealing with in their times.
For purposes of this, we highlight the key propositions and areas which Conference should resolve on and give guidance on each and every discussion document. The documents deal more substantively with the question of what is to be done, yet the following key issues need to be highlighted:

  1. Organisational Building.

  2. Jobs Strategy for All South Africans.

  3. Land And Agrarian Reform

  4. Social Transformation.

  5. Health.

  6. Education.

  7. Justice and Correctional Services.

  8. International Relations.

  9. Draft Constitution.

  10. Induction Manual.

Land and Agrarian Revolution

Land in South Africa is stolen property. No people can claim freedom without access and control over their land. Economic Freedom in our lifetimes is primarily defined by land redistribution. South Africa is in total a country of 123 million hectares. The 1913 Land Act, which legalized the land theft of Africans, gave 87% of land to white settlers and Africans were forced to 13% of the land. In reality, today, less than 1% of the population own more than 80% of the land. In concrete terms only 40 000 white families, trusts and individual own 80% of South African land. We are a nation of 53 million people! It is known that about 22 million Africans need land desperately.

In the past 20 years the ruling party has impose a land policy called “willing buyer- willing seller”, based on the Kempton Park compromise, which finds expression in section 25 of the constitution, called the property clause. This clause gives protection of property rights to those who stole the land of the Africans and says land must be bought. There are debates about whether expropriation is allowed by the clause. Truth is it will take more than 100 years to buy back only 30% of the land if we follow government land policy. In 20 years only 8% of the land bought at R50 billion! EFF asks why buy stolen property? It’s illegal and immoral. As things stands there is no policy or programme to return redistribute land and support people on land for realization of a new land and agrarian reality. EFF must lead the way.

The people assemblies must consider the following proposals.

  1. The RPA confirm Land Expropriation without compensation as the only acceptable solution and that EFF embark of campaigns to realize this PILLAR.

  2. That EFF introduce debate and Bill in parliament to amend section 25 of the constitution to ensure “Land Expropriation, without compensation”.

  3. Should the National Assembly reject the “Land Expropriation without Compensation Bill”, that EFF insists on a Referendum to get the views of South Africans on “Should we buy back our stolen land?”

  4. That EFF call a national conference on land to discuss these matters in 2015.

  5. That a mass ‘Back to Land” campaign be undertaken, were the land claiming communities re-occupy their land through mass action led by EFF.

  6. That EFF support all actions of the communities where they occupy land and also to support communities to resist evictions from land and houses. The land belongs to the people!

  1. That EFF encourage our people to engage in urban agriculture and food gardening activities, every school and every house must have a vegetable garden.

Organisational Character and Development

The character of the EFF is captured in both the founding Manifesto and the constitution of the party. EFF is a Marxist-Leninist-Fanonian revolutionary movement that is anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist and racist. Furthermore, EFF stands for the liberation of all and it is anti-homophobic and anti-patriarchal. EFF is essentially a vanguard movement of the workers and community struggles and shall always take the side of the oppressed. Two main other currents that inform the character of EFF is revolutionary internationalism and radical pan africanism.

In itself everyday life EFF is guided by the revolutionary principles of “democratic centralism, principled criticism and self-criticism, collective leaders and proletarian culture of selflessness, working class solidarity, discipline and self-discipline”. In building a revolutionary organizational constant culture political education is at the centre of an advance cadre who is able to defend the revolution and advance the correct ideas.

Key proposals to consider include.

  1. Should EFF form a Woman Command which is structurally autonomous to the EFF? Or the women and gender question are better served within the same organization?

  2. Should the EFF form a Student and Youth Command? Or a single Youth Command serving both youth and students would be appropriate?

  3. Should EFF set up its own Trade Union or should rather build and influence existing progressive trade unions that have already endorsed the EFF. O

Battle of Ideas and Media
Twenty years into democracy, the South African government is restructuring communications significantly both through government internal media as well as through entities like the SABC, MDDA, and ICASA. The creation of the ministry of communications inclusive of GCIS, SABC and MDDA, where Information and Communications Technology and Postal Services are run separately must be read as signifying the beginning of state propaganda.
A democratic culture must be anchored by freedom of media, just like academic, artistic and religious freedom and independence. The threat is not so much that government runs publications, but its proximity and control over the public broadcaster – the SABC which controls 41.6% of radio audience and 69.3% of television audience in the country
Ownership of print media, on the other hand is too trapped in an oligarchic situation of the domination of few companies - Media24, Caxton; and Avusa. This too is not in the best interest of democratic contestation and diversity of views. All are dominated by the English language and also control a lot of local print publications.
The point is to aggressively fight for diversification in terms of ownership, control and language spread. The development and strengthening of community based papers and the promotion of the emergence of “grassroots” oriented media that capitalises doing journalism not on the basis on popular stories for sales, but giving voice to ordinary and poor communities
Two developments in the communications sector are setting up a massive alternative stage and fundamental shift for the battle and flow of ideas; it is broadband penetration and the spread of mobile gadgets; smart cell phones and tablets. This means traditional media which is by and large less diversified may no longer be central to the spread of ideas with the rise and penetration of the internet.
Mobile broadband is said to be the fastest growing technology in human history. Mobile broadband subscriptions, which allow users to access the web via smartphones, tablets and WiFi-connected laptops, are growing at a rate of 30% per year. This means Social Media Networks like Facebook and twitter offer new platforms for mass communication and thus diversity and direct contact with audiences.
The communications strategy of the EFF needs to take over these platforms aggressively to spread the ideas of economic emancipation and give voice to the struggles of the poor and marginalised. This is whilst contesting traditional media to ensure good and ethical journalistic reporting. The battle of ideas will by and large be fought on the sky; and only a movement with an aggressive multimedia platform and social network presence will take advantage of the new era and make fashionable its emancipatory ideas.

Since the end of apartheid, the South African government has aimed to improve the health care situation by outlining a new model with primary care at the base. The democratic government elected in 1994 spurred the creation of the National Health Plan, which laid out goals for a universal public primary care-centered system – now called the National Health Insurance (NHI), which is yet to be promulgated into a Bill.

However, while certain gains have been made towards a primary care-centered and community-based health care system, much work still remains. The nation has been reported to spend 8.3% of its GDP on the health care industry, which in 2009 was the highest of any middle-income country in the world. Despite such expenditure, the quality of healthcare provision, infrastructure and facilities have deteriorated; maternal and infant mortality rates have been on the rise, making South Africa one of only a few of countries where such a discrepancy exists.

Today, most problems with providing satisfactory primary healthcare can be attributed to:

(1) the divide between private and public healthcare and

(2) an increasing burden of long-term diseases.

The historical racist, segregationist policies and contradictions of apartheid that South Africa has faced in regard to its socio-economic, politics and societal structure compound both of these issues. Due to these past segregationist policies the health of the black majority in this country continued to be jeopardized.

Another challenge facing South Africa today is that, most South Africans utilize the free public health care services provided by the government. However, while private health care is used by only 14% of the nation, it has been reported to account for up to 60% of national health care expenditure. This two-tier healthcare system perpetuates modern segregation at the receiving end of which is the working class people. This must change. And such change can only find true and meaningful expression through the policy alternative articulated in the Economic Freedom Fighters Founding Manifestos.

For this to happen EFF further proposes that, at the very least, a comprehensive PHC should include the following set of eight basic elements, namely:

  • An adequate supply of safe water and basic sanitation;

  • The promotion of food supply and proper nutrition;

  • Maternal and child healthcare including family planning;

  • Immunization against major infectious diseases;

  • The prevention and control of locally endemic diseases;

  • Appropriate treatment of common diseases and injuries;

  • Health education; and

  • Provision of essential drugs.

There is a need in South Africa today, for a paradigm shift towards a development perspective of the community-orientated primary healthcare with emphasis on outreach beyond hospitals to most rural and peripheral health centers and even households. This must be coupled with the training at a massive scale of doctors especially physicians in order to reduce the current doctor-population ratio.

A new, better world order is possible, where health is a non-negotiable human right which is in the hands of people. However, it ought to be fought for, built through conscious and collective efforts mobilized on a national, regional, continental and international scale by integrating more NGOs, civil society formations, churches, journalists, social and cultural organizations, trade unions, traditional and indigenous rural communities and other grass root social movements.

There is no economic freedom without education; education is both necessary for the attainment and sustainability of economic freedom. The EFF takes the educational development of the people as one of the non-negotiable principles of the struggle for economic emancipation in that there must be free quality education for all.
As things stand South Africa’s education system is crisis ridden with a lack of books, poor teaching, lack of qualified and motivated teachers, overcrowding and limited access to higher education. 20% of white individuals between the ages of 18-29 years and 11% of Indian individuals were enrolled at a university compared to 4.8% of the Coloured and 2.8% of black Africans populations in 2013. All this is despite the fact that government spending on education is the highest of in the state budget.
Higher education is unable to accept high numbers of matriculates that come out of the schooling system and despite availability of NFSAS, a significant number of students still drop out due to lack of financial support. Quality Education thus remains the preserve of those who can afford. Lack of quality education makes the difference between the educated and uneducated immaterial and almost non-existent.
The EFF government will provide free and compulsory quality education up to attainment of a bachelor’s degree. Over and above that EFF will link the education provided to the nature of the economy and the skills it requires to drive growth and employment.
The resolution of the crisis starts with the provision of quality teaching, as well as quality teaching and learning conditions. The state must prioritise the training of teachers, and re-training of existing ones. Sending a 10 000 young people to reputable institutions across the world each year to acquire the much needed skills in engineering, information technology, pure sciences, mathematics, mining, architecture, medicine, finance, agriculture and the like.
The EFF government must provision of nutritious food in all schools across the country particularly in the townships and rural areas. Building new modern and resourced schools with libraries and computer centres in rural areas and townships. We must ensure that Early Childhood Development centres are of high standard and accessed by all children across the country with a particular focus on numeric and language skills to prepare them for mathematics and science later in secondary school and tertiary.
Finally the EFF government shall building as many new universities and technology institutes as soon as possible to revolutionize South Africa’s research and development capacity and thus encourage and support innovation and invention initiatives.

Justice and Correctional Services


The EFF Justice and Correctional Services policy contextualizes the current Justice System through the method of comparing and contrasting the Pre and Post-apartheid Judiciary and Penal Systems, and continues to review the traditional Justice and Penal Systems versus emerging alternatives.

A successful descriptive analysis of justice as a social aspect must be located within the non-negotiable Complementary Pillar Number 13, ‘the Transformation of the Criminal Justice and Correctional-Services System’; together with pillar 7, anOpen, Accountable, Corrupt-Free Government and Society without Fear of Victimisation by State Agencies’.

Within this context the following juxtaposition is presented with the sole aim of facilitating a broad in-depth examination and discussion of a radical transformation of the justice system, and population of the table below.




Inequality Before the Law Caused by:

Bail Affordability Or


Equality Before the Law Through:

Complete Abolition of Bail


Partial Abolition For Citizens who

Cannot Afford

Lawyer Affordability Or Non


Complete De-commercialisation of

the Legal Profession – All Lawyers

Work For the State, no Private



Implement a Higher Salary Package

& Structure For All State Lawyers,

To discourage private practice


Pay State Lawyers According to Case Load and Number of Successful Prosecutions


Pay out a Standard Fee To The Accused To Employ Their Own Lawyer of Choice

Roman Dutch Law

Radical Socialist Fanonian Law

(Debate the Precepts Using the Manifesto & Constitution)

Utilisation Of State Agencies To Victimise, Harass, Or Kill Members Of The Population Privately Or Publicly, Including Community Protests, Strikes Or Organised Marches.

Friendship With Security Forces: Regular Use Of Police, Military Or Security Personnel In The Provision Of Social Services Like Teaching Maths & Science Extra Lessons To schools In Need; Teaching Sailing, Swimming, Flying For Extra Mural Activities; Escourting & Protecting Senior Citizens On Pension Pay-out Days

Juvenile And Sexual Offences Arm Of The Legal System Is Muddled. No Clear Demarcation.

Establish A Functional And Effective Juvenile And Sexual Offences Arm Of The Legal System:

  • Establish Juvenile Boot Camp Short-Term Sentences Correctional Facilities That Foster Structure, System & Responsibility In Young People, And Re-Integrate Them Back To Society

Punitive Justice Penal System Based On High Sentencing, As Well As Stringent Control Of The Private Citizen At the Expense Of The Lawlessness Of Capital

Introduce A Penal System Based Purely On Correctional Behaviour, Rehabilitation And Protection of The Citizen against Capital Exploitation Through:

  • Just Deserts

  • Restorative Justice

  • Criminalisation Of Crimes Of Capital, Tax Evasion, Base Erosion, Capital Flight, Price Fixing and Bribing of The Executive, Etc.

Chapter 9 Institutions Are Controlled By Departments (And the Executive) Through Budget Allocation

Establish Separate Budgets For All Chapter 9 Institutions This In Line With Ensuring The Independence Of Such Institutions, So That They Can Provide Proper Oversight On The Executive

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