7. Lessons from Zimbabwe
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PRE-INDEPENDENCE EDUCATION
After the arrival of European settlers in 1890, missionaries found it easier to spread their influence among the indigenous people. Mission schools were the source of formal education for Africans, with the government providing education primarily to white children. The new exchange economy introduced by the settlers created increasing demand for education among Africans. As demand for more education among Africans was increasing, the colonial government stepped in to control the provision of education and ensure that missionaries would not ‘overeducate’ them (Nherera, 2000). The colonial administrators were critical of the type of education that the missionaries provided the Africans. They felt the Africans had to be given education which was practical in nature; that is, related to agriculture and industry to prepare them as labourers, but not to the extent where they could compete with Europeans (Atkinson, 1972; Dorsey, 1975). According to O’Callaghan and Austin (1977), Africans were to be given education but not equal to that given to whites. Industrial training in African schools was limited to elementary knowledge of agriculture, carpentry and building.
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REFORMS OF ZIMBABWE’S PUBLIC EDUCATION SYSTEM
At independence in 1980, Zimbabwe inherited an education system that favoured mainly white Zimbabwean students. Prior to 1980, very few black children had access to education. Those who had access to education found themselves in schools that were poorly funded, with very few educational resources and a separate curriculum from that offered in all-white schools. Education for black students was provided mainly by missionaries rather than by the government. Basically, two school systems existed prior to independence.
The colonial government made education for white students compulsory and therefore offered universal education, spent as much as 20 times more per white student than the black student (Ministry of Education, Sport and Culture, 2001). The first major reform was the unification of the separate education systems to remove anomalies and inequalities. At independence, the Government adopted a socialist principle: ‘Growth with equity’ to redress the inequalities in access to education and other basic needs such as health services. The government’s socialist principle was perceived through Karl Marx’s concept of ‘polytechnic education’ whose main objective was to link mental and manual work and produce ‘totally developed individuals’ (Chung and Ngara, 1985, p.89). It had been observed that the inherited colonial education system placed undue emphasis and value on paid employment and white-collar jobs. It failed to instil good work habits and ethics and did not prepare school leavers for the world of work (Nherera, 2000).
Over the first decade of independence, the reforms in the education system focused on making them suitable for Zimbabwe in line with the principle of ‘Education for all’ adopted at independence. The government expanded the education system by building schools in marginalised areas and disadvantaged urban centres, accelerating the training of teachers, providing teaching and learning materials to schools. Increase in enrolments gave rise to the need for buildings. This was managed by introducing double shifts per day, but with two different sets of teachers, ensuring a more efficient use of existing classrooms without disturbing the existing teacher-pupil ratio.
The need and supply of teachers was met by rapidly increasing the number of untrained teachers at primary level. Although this step provided a well-motivated teaching corps, it led to the supply of low-quality teachers and resultant poor quality of teaching. The supply of teachers was increased by introducing the Zimbabwe Integrated Teacher Education Course (ZINTEC), a low-cost teacher-training scheme, whereby, only two terms of the four-year course were spent in college and the remainder in teaching in schools. The government involved local communities to help support schools through providing labour and other resources. The emphasis was not so much on quality and cost effectiveness of the education system, but on accessibility to education. In 1988, the government formed a separate Ministry of Higher Education3 to be responsible for tertiary education, which included teacher training colleges, universities and vocational colleges.
More and more trained teachers were supplied into the education system and this helped reduce the proportion of untrained teachers. All the different government strategies helped boost the number of teachers from 18483 in 1979 to 60886 by end of the decade. From 1990 to 2001 the reforms focused more on the relevance and quality of education and training through new approaches to content, technologies, teaching methodologies, skills provision and through decentralisation and devolution of technical and teachers colleges into degree awarding institutions.
According to Riddel (1998)’s categorisation, this would fall under quality reform. The proportion of trained teachers increased dramatically during this period. In 1990, about 51.48 per cent of primary school teachers were trained and by 1997 the proportion of trained primary school teachers had jumped to 77.2 per cent. In secondary schools, only 48.1 per cent of the teachers were trained in 1990 and this number increased to 89 per cent by 1996.This period also witnessed the localisation of the country’s testing programs. An Act of Parliament created the examination board, the Zimbabwe School Examination Council (ZIMSEC) to administer and manage all of the country’s primary and secondary education examinations. Prior to the creation of this examination board, all the examinations were set and marked by the University of Cambridge Local Examinations Syndicate (UCLES) in the United Kingdom. Thus, the localisation of the examinations helped cut costs by eliminating the need for foreign currency.
Education in Zimbabwe today aims at promoting national unity to contribute to national development particularly, economic development through the supply of trained and skilled teachers and staff. The aim is also to revive neglected languages and cultural values and to develop a distinctive way of life with mutual recognition and enrichment of the diverse cultures.
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SUCCESSES OF ZIMBABWE’S EDUCATION REFORMS
The government policies achieved successes in increasing enrolment, achieving racial as well as gender equity in education, increasing the supply of educated manpower, and improving the country’s literacy rate.
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Access to Education
The government made basic education accessible through policies of free education, compulsory education and upholding children’s right to education. With a socialist philosophy, primary education was made free and this resulted in admission rates expanding dramatically (Ministry of Education, Sport and Culture, 2001). According to The Ministry of Education, Sport and Culture (2001), during the first decade of independence, the number of primary schools jumped from 2401 in 1979 to 4504 in 1989, an 87.6 per cent increase and primary school enrolment showed a 177.5 per cent increase from 819,586 to 2,274,178 during the same period. The number of secondary schools increased from 177 in 1979 to 1502 in 1989, a change of 748.6 per cent and secondary school enrolment increased from 66,215 to 695,882 a 950.9 per cent change. The government took steps, such as a rapid increase in public spending on education from 4.4 per cent of recurrent public expenditures in 1979-80 to 22.6 per cent by 1980 and introducing substantial community financing. This allowed rapid primary sector expansion, for which government resources quickly became inadequate.
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Gender Equity in Education
In 1980, the proportion of female students in primary schools was 47.6 per cent compared to 52.4 per cent males. By 1999, the proportion of females had increased to 49.1 per cent and that of males had gone down to 50.9 per cent. This information shows that although equity has not been completely achieved, there were significant improvements during the first two decades of independence in making education accessible to female students. The general pattern is the same for secondary education as it is for primary education; that is, the proportion gap between male students and female students was narrowed during the first two decades. In 1980, about 43.3 per cent of students were females and 56.7 per cent were males in secondary education. In 1999, the proportion of females had increased to 46.9 per cent and that of males had gone down to 53.1 per cent.
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Educated Populace
The aggressive education policies by the government resulted in the country producing professionals to work in the private sector and government. The country also became a major source of educated manpower in Southern Africa and today Zimbabwe has thousands of teachers, engineers, doctors, nurses, and other professionals working in neighbouring countries and overseas. The sad part associated with this success story is that some poor economic policies by the government created a hostile environment resulting in ‘brain drain’ of the country’s professionals.
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Literacy Race
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Although literacy rate is not a perfect measure of educational results, it helps especially in international comparisons of some achievements in different education systems. According to the United Nations Development Program (2003), the country achieved a male literacy rate of 94.2 per cent; a female literacy rate of 87.2 per cent and a total literacy rate of 90.7 per cent. Zimbabwe ranks first in male literacy rate, second in female literacy rate and first in total literacy rate among Southern African countries. This is important because literacy and educational access are important as a means of improving public awareness of environmental and health issues, and reducing family planning (International Labor Review, 1995).
CHAPTER
9
Media, Ideology and the Battle of Ideas
Draft: Discussion Document of the EFF National People’s Assembly, 2014
INTRODUCTION
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South African society has been deeply shaped by colonial capitalism, and as a result access to information is structured by patterns of colonial capitalist ownership and privilege. Who knows what, for what purposes continues to be largely determined by who owns what or has how much access to power and resources
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The colonial capitalist state has been essentially a state that rules in the interests of white culture, white capital and white domination. It had been designed to perpetuate the exploitation of the black majority, relegating them as much as possible as a cheap and easily disposable labour
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Ideological apparatuses of the colonial capitalist society pursued the direct interpolation of blacks as precisely subjects of racial exploitation; the education system, the media, the urban and rural family, as well as religious organisations. Blacks were socialised to hate themselves, not to believe in themselves, both as a group and as individuals. Worst of all, blacks were socialised to accept their position as inferior and to “fear a world without whites” as Fanon rightly says.
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Since the birth of the post-1994 state, the African Revolution has been trapped by ideological inadequacies predicted by Fanon in the Wretched of the Earth about an inability and lack of appreciation of the economic critique of the colonial situation by liberation movement. These movements lack economic knowledge of their own country, but it has since produced an intellectual dependency from without the movement which at the moment finds fortitude in the neo-liberal mould of problem solving
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For a revolution to happen, a revolutionary movement must provide revolutionary ideology and cogent revolutionary program to the many rebellions, revolts and protests of the oppressed. Lenin exhorted that without revolutionary theory (information and program) revolution is impossible. Such an ideological and programmatic alternative must be rooted in the economic critique of the colonial situation and its offspring post-colonial state
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From the family, the religious formations, education system to the traditional media, revolutionary ideology must penetrate and counteract the statuesque by mobilising society on a revolutionary program. This document is therefore about how the EFF can penetrate ideological apparatuses with revolutionary ideology and mobilise for the revolutionary program of economic freedom in our lifetime as expressed in the Founding Manifesto.
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South Africa faces the culminating point of colonial capitalism expressed in its intended two-ness: a white supremacist capitalist extraction and exploitation on one hand. As well as a black comprador beneficiation and dilution of the African revolution on the other. Colonial capitalist extraction and exploitation has finally succeeded in gaining an organised black class to secure, manage and provide legitimacy for its affairs.
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The battle of the African Revolutionary is much more difficult as the battle lines are not as clear cut. Nonetheless, the struggle must rage on, even more robustly than ever before. The ideas of the revolutionary movement must ultimately gain hegemony against the ruling ideas for a real transformation of society to take place. The oppresses must speak and must hear themselves – this is the task at hand, how do we as EFF spread the ideas of economic freedom whose ultimate result must be the oppressed telling their story; for EFF is the first expression of that story?
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How do we achieve this? What are the obstacles to the oppressed and their emancipatory ideas speaking, about the future they want, the past they have and the present that is upon them?
THE NATURE OF MEDIA IN SOUTH AFRICAN
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The story of the oppressed speaking begins with a key analysis of the South African media; the nature of the media, its ownership and content. As things stand, traditional media in South Africa is inaccessible to the oppressed, yet it survives through their audience participation, precisely to provide the deadly opium sterilising revolutionary ideas in them.
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Traditional media can be categorised into three; Broadcast Media which includes television and radio; Print Media which describes newspapers, magazines and knock-and-drop; New Media which includes Internet and Mobile phone media. All these may either be public, commercial or community based.
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South African law guarantees media freedom, freedom of speech and access of information as key constitutional prerogatives. Legislative framework has been put into place by the post-apartheid state enacts these prerogatives, from the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICSA) as per ICASA Act of 2000, the Access to Information Act of 2000, Media Development and Diversity Agency (MDDA) Act of 2002, to the Electronic Communications Act of 2005.
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The legislative framework establishes ICASA to regulate broadcasting, telecommunication and postal services in the public interest. ICASA then acts within the limits of policy and law, prescribes regulations, enacts measurable license terms and conditions, monitors compliance to the license conditions and manages frequency spectrum.
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South African law allows print media self-regulation through the Press Ombudsman. Print media sets up the Press Council, Ombudsman and Appeals Panel to handle disputes between the public and the print media (newspapers and magazines).
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MDDA emerges out of the need to transform the media following post-apartheid transition to enable media development and its diversification. MDDA, in partnership with the major print and broadcast media industry, is supposed to help create an enabling environment for media development and diversity that is conducive to public discourse and which reflects the needs and aspirations of South Africans.
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Guided by the principle of editorial independence, media in South Africa enjoys relative freedom. However, this does not make the newsrooms immune from control directly or indirectly by those in power, both state and private capital. Current legislation promotes diversity in all levels of the media; its management, ownership, and information sources to make room for diverse views.
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There are indeed deep problems beginning with the language access of the media. The English language remains the predominant language of discourse particularly in print media and television. Radio, which has the largest reach of all mediums in South Africa and in many ways precisely because of that, is the most diverse in terms of language reach as it caters for all official languages.
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According to the All Media and Products Survey (AMPS) for 2012 of the South African Audience Research Foundation (SAASF) Radio currently reaches 93.1% of the adult population (aged 15+) over a seven-day period, with listeners numbering 32,522-million. Weekly listening to total commercial radio stands at 90.2%, with 31,506-million listeners in total. Total community radio reaches 25.8% of the adult population (15+) over the course of the average week, with listeners pegged at 9,016-million.
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The same report shows that in 2013 December, Television stood at a weekly viewership of 91.7%, reaching 32,022-million adult South Africans (aged 15+) each week. Viewing of community TV reaches 8.6% of the adult population (2,990-million viewers) each week.
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Pay TV is also showing significant growth; DStv weekly reach stands at 26.3%, with 9.198-million viewers. The satellite platform has also seen growth across both urban and rural areas. With the exclusion of the terrestrial channels, DStv’s weekly reach is 25.1% and Top TV is at 1.6% reach in an average week, with 551 000 viewers.
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Cinema continues to trend down in total, although the significant declines seen in the previous AMPS release have been halted. Cinema reach in South Africa stands at 17.9 % with the 2013 reports of AMPS, whereas at the end of 2012 it reached 6,379-million, or 18.3% of the adult population.
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The AMPS 2012 reports print media as reaching 65.6% of the adult population, with an average issue readership of 22,925-million. The report demonstrates the stability of print media over a two year period, and at times records growth;
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This means South Africa's newspaper market continues to hold its fort despite the digital hurricane that is raging and has destabilised it in other parts of the world. As for Magazines, the research shows that its readership has declined, and this is largely attributed to economic factors as opposed to the digital readership migration.
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Average issue readership for magazines is 48.8%, down from 50.5% with a total readership stands at 17,031-million.
MEDIA OWNERSHIP AND CONTROL
Capitalism seeks to turn everything into a commodity, even a thing as noble as access to a religious sermon
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The circulation of information, public discourse and criticism, including the broadcast of shows (entertainment or sports) is not immune to the capitalist pursuit for profit. Significant media is under ownership and control, either of the state or private capital. This is a factor in understanding what interests would be prioritised in which stories are told, how they are told, for how long, at what time, for what audience and income group.
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SABC is dominant in ownership and control of the radio industry, accounting for 41.6% of the total radio audience in the country. SABC boasts 18 public radio stations, divided into 15 public broadcasting service (PBS) stations and 3 public commercial services (PCS) stations, covering all official languages.
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There are additional 13 private commercial radio stations which are regional or provincial stations; they have 16.5% of the total radio adult audience. There is also the World space which is a subscription satellite radio service offering a limited number of encrypted channels. There are also 87 functional community radio stations.
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Television is also dominated by the SABC. The SABC has 3 public terrestrial television channels (SABC1, 2 and 3) with total viewership accounting for 69.3% of the total television audience. SABC 1: 79.8% (27,867-million adult viewers, aged 15+). SABC 2: 71.6%, with 25,007-million adult viewers. SABC 3: 58.4% (20,389-million viewers). e.tv has grown its reach from 67.4% previously to 68.6% currently (23,981-million viewers). M-Net main channel: 6.8% (2,384-million). Viewing of DStv is 27.5% (9,598-million) and Total Top TV: stable on 1.5% (513 000 viewers).
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Private commercial television station’s HDI ownership sits on an average of 64.4% per television station. The positive changes in ownership stakes in the broadcasting industry may be due to the work of the then Independent Broadcasting Authority (IBA) (established in terms of the Independent Broadcasting Authority Act of 1993) and ICASA’s regulatory and licensing interventions. One of the criteria to qualify for licensing enshrined in the IBA Act and now Electronic Communications Act is ownership by HDIs, limitations on foreign ownership to 20% and that broadcasting is effectively controlled by South Africans.
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The South African print media is concentrated among four major players: Naspers through its subsidiary Media24; Caxton; and Avusa; and the foreign owns Independent Newspapers.
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Media 24 is dominant in terms of circulation of newspapers according to the ABC. Regarding ownership, major print media players such as Media24 and Avusa have some degree of HDI ownership. The MDDA report shows that Avusa has at least a 25.5% HDI shareholding, Media 24 has 15%, and Caxton and Independent Newspapers have no HDI participation.
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Caxton CTP holds 130 identified titles, 89 wholly owned and 41 co-owned, in all representing 28.3% of newspaper titles in the South Africa. Naspers, through its print media subsidiary, Media24 is at 68 titles; the foreign owned Independent Newspapers group owns 28 titles and then Avusa (formerly known as Times Media Limited and then Johnnic Communications) with 23 titles. These titles consist of both commercial and local free newspapers.
STATE COMMUNICATIONS AND MEDIA
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Twenty years into democracy, the South African government is restructuring communications significantly both through government internal media as well as through entities like the SABC, MDDA, and ICASA. The creation of the ministry of communications inclusive of GCIS, SABC and MDDA, where Information and Communications Technology and Postal Services are run separately must be read signifying the beginning of state propaganda.
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A democratic culture must be anchored by freedom of media, just like academic, artistic and religious freedom and independence. The threat is not so much that government runs publications, but its proximity and control over the public broadcaster – the SABC which controls 41.6% of radio audience and 69.3% of television audience in the country.
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The SABC is by law meant to broadcast in the interest of the public, and not government or ruling parties. It has editorial independence of both the production of news and other content and has an independent board accountable to parliament. However, the SABC has been compromised under the current government as it lacks a credible board and credible management leadership.
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The SABC has in recent history suppressed adverts that are critical of the government during elections, and refuses to offer live coverage of opposition parties’ events. Yet is broadcasts all the major events of the ruling party live in its radio and television platforms.
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This hostility of the SABC is a threat to the basic tenets of a democratic practice in a democratic South Africa. It is undoing diversity of views, not only in explicit political content but all content that may be critical of the ruling party. Another example is the closing down of the Big Debate just on the eve of 2014 general elections, which was a popular show that managed to expose the failures of government.
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The SABC is further used to mobilise artists and other entertainers during elections to support and publicly promote the ruling party with the threat that their platforms on SABC may be withdrawn.
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The SABC as a broadcasting space is therefore shutting down slowly for meaningful democratic contestation and participation. It is deteriorating as the platform of public scrutiny on power and government in particular.
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Government also uses its advertisement muscle to censor the media, both print and broadcast, particularly community radio, television and print. Papers face the possibility of not receiving government advertisement business if they public critical news on the ruling party and related individuals.
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There is not clarity on ICASA’s status as a chapter nine institution with the mandate to guard democracy. Although chapter nine of the constitution calls for an independent authority to regulate broadcasting, it does not mandate ICASA and interpretations vary. This makes those who run ICASA entrapped in a schizophrenic situation where they are prone to direct governmental influence.
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Key to the future of Television in South Africa is the shift towards Digital Terrestrial Television which will allow access to a more efficient use of radio frequency spectrum as well as better quality pictures and sound. This shift in South Africa has seen a multimillion investment initiative that tries to provide successful migration into digital television without excluding the poor where Set-Top-Boxes which facilitate the conversion of digital signal into analogue will be provided for by government for 5 million poor households.
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The state is set to spend billions in distribution of these devices through the Post Office and Universal Service and Access Fund. DTT migration must be closely monitored as mistakes in the distribution of Set-Top-Boxes may leave most of poor families without access to broadcasting service once a switch from analogue to digital television is made.
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