Plainsong New and Old: The Versified Office for St. Ansanus of Siena

In the Middle Ages, religious communities such as churches, monasteries, or entire cities defined themselves in relation to the local saints whose relics they possessed and whose patronage they thus claimed.ⁱ No musical genre reflected this localized geography of Christian worship more closely than the versified office. Many of the more than one thousand versified offices from the twelfth through the fifteenth centuries commemorate local saints, whose cults rarely spread beyond their home diocese and whose offices were thus similarly restricted in circulation.ⁱⁱ [slide 1] Versified offices comprise two principal genres of plainsong – antiphons and responsories – all of which set rhymed accentual poetry and are assigned to the principal hours of the Divine Office. Medieval commentators referred to these offices as ‘histories’ (historiae) because their constituent chants recounted the events drawn from a saint’s legendary biography, a passio in Latin or Passion in English.ⁱⁱⁱ Yet by recounting the virtues and miracles of innumerable local saints, versified offices provided not simply histories of these holy men and women but arguments for their sanctity. This vast corpus of plainchant thus buttressed the innumerable relic cults that dotted the landscape of medieval Christendom.

The versified office of St. Ansanus of Siena, known as Ansanus Rome by virtue of the text incipit of its first antiphon, would seem to exemplify the localized character of its genre.^iv In what remains to date the only study of this office, Frank D’Accone identified three manuscript sources for Ansanus Rome, of which all are of Sienese origin and all are listed in Table 1 of the handout.^v The earliest is an unnoted Sienese breviary from the fourteenth century now housed in the city’s Biblioteca Communale degli Intronati (or BCIS for short). It preserves the text but not the music of the office. The remaining sources for Ansanus Rome are two antiphoners housed in the city’s Archivio dell’Opera Metropolitana (henceforth AOMS). They carry the shelfmarks 11.M and Ospedale 9 and date from the second half of the fifteenth century. Unlike the aforementione breviary, they preserve the office’s music and text. The first antiphoner was compiled for the cathedral of Siena and the second for its hospital of Santa Maria della Scala.^vi On the basis of this manuscript evidence alone, Ansanus Rome would appear to be a straightforward example of a versified office composed for a local saint.

The political and religious climate in late medieval Siena favours this conclusion. Since the twelfth century, the defining political feature of such Italian city-states had been the communes. In order to buttress their legitimacy, these municipal bodies appropriated the cults of the ancient bishops and martyrs of their cities, rewriting their Passions and rebuilding or redecorating their shrines.^vii Siena was a case in point: in the fourteenth century, the commune embraced St. Ansanus as one of its most important patrons and protectors, second only to the Virgin Mary, the titular of its cathedral. D’Accone reasonably speculated that the origins of the versified office lay in this burgeoning civic cult.^viii According to this hypothesis, the office of St. Ansanus thus exemplifies not only the localized character of its genre in general but also the civic religion of communal Italy in particular.

The discovery of a new source for Ansanus Rome invites us to reconsider not only the office’s dating and provenance but also its historical and musical significance. The first manuscript listed in Table 1, it is a collection of mass and office chants preserved in the Archivio Capitolare of Arezzo, located roughly thirty-five miles north east of Siena [slide 2] as seen in this map of Tuscany and Umbria. Likely compiled, as I will demonstrate shortly, in the 1320s in Arezzo, ACA Duomo H preserves a version of Ansanus Rome that mathces that of the three Sienese sources in all but one crucial respect: its melodies for all twenty-one antiphons and nine responsories are completely different from those in AOMS Ospedale 9 and AOMS 11.M. The existence of two musical settings for one office is highly unusual and invites us to explore the relationship between them.^ix Doing so yields findings whose relevance extend well beyond a single case study, for the Aretine and Sienese melodies for Ansanus Rome refine our perception of what is old and new, traditional and modern, in the vast repertoire of versified offices. Before we embark on this musicological project, we must first consider the development of the cult that gave rise to the office in the first place.

The literary foundation of the cult of St. Ansanus was his Passion, an enigmatic text sharply at odds with its protagonist’s civic cult in late medieval Siena.^x Its narrative unfolds in three parts: Part I recounts his childhood in Rome in the late third century and culminates in his baptism at the age of twelve.^xi The second and longest part of the Passion is a conventional story of martyrdom.^xii Now nineteen years old, Ansanus burns with the desire to die as a martyr for his faith. He thus declares his belief in Christ to the pagan emperors, Diocletian and Maximian, engaging them in a lengthy debate over religious matters. The cruel and perfidious emperors finally condemn him to death for refusing to sacrifice to the pagan gods, a sentence that in most Passions would lead more or less directly to the protagonist’s execution. Yet this text flouts narrative convention: rather than face the heroic death that he desires, Ansanus escapes from prison on the night before his scheduled execution, a startling turn of events for which his Passion specifies neither the motivation nor the means. This marks the beginning of the third and final part of the story. Part III is strangely perfunctory in comparison to the previous two. Ansanus flees north first to the town of Bagnoregio (near Viterbo) and then to Siena, where he is once again arrested and tried by the local Roman proconsul. Ansanus is condemned to death and executed in the nearby village of Dofana, which is included in the map. The brevity with which Passion relates these final events effectively shifts the emphasis of the narrative to Rome, thus identifying its hero with the city of his birth, that is to say Rome, rather than that of his death, namely Siena.

Why does the Passion of St. Ansanus do so little to extoll its progonist as a patron and protector of Siena? The answer to this question lies in the time and place of its composition. Various literary details from the Passion, which time does not permit me to discuss today, suggest that it is a remarkably old text, likely dating from the seventh century. The Passion was likely written at the monastery of Sant’Ansano, which, as its name indicates, was dedicated to that saint and located at his burial site at Dofana. Sant’Ansano was located just within the boundary of the diocese of Arezzo yet also within the civil jurisdiction of Siena. On this account, this monastery became the object of heated disputes between Aretine and Sienese bishops in the early Middle Ages.^xiii On at least one occasion, Ansanus’s relics became a flashpoint in the on-going conflict: around 750, a Sienese official moved, or translated, his body to a new altar without the requisite approval of the Aretine bishop, an act of effrontery that elicited a stern rebuke from no less an authority than the pope of that time.^xiv The monastery of Sant’Ansano thus found itself caught in the middle of a territorial conflict between Arezzo and Siena, which explains the strangeness of the Passion. Were one its monks to have written this text, as seems likely, this author would have been reluctant to give Siena a prominent place within the narrative for fear of angering the lawful superior of his community, the bishop of Arezzo.^xv

We enounter a new chapter in the development of St. Ansanus’s cult with the translation of his body from Dofana in 1107. According to a contemporary Sienese account, no less than Divine Providence itself called the citizens of Siena to bring the relics of their patron into their city. As often occurs in medieval narratives of this kind, the lawful translators are pitted against relic thieves. The Sienese encounter just such villains at Dofana but set them to flight, ‘scattering them hither and thither like madmen or (dare I say) panic-stricken dogs’.^xvi Yet the thieves were likely more than a narrative fiction. The Translation notes that they came ‘from nearby places’ (ex ipsis vicinis), which immediately suggests Arezzo, given the city’s proximity to Siena as well as its long-recognized claim to the monastery of Sant’Ansano at Dofana. The Translation indicates that the thieves absconded with Ansanus’s head before their hasty retreat, leaving the Sienese to bring only his body back to their cathedral. This accords with reports from the sixteenth century that the Aretines in fact possessed his head and bore it through their city streets in an annual procession.^xvii The division of St. Ansanus between the two cities, as we shall see, sowed the seeds for the creation of parts of his versified office in both cities approximately two centuries later.

The events of 1107 likewise set the stage for the flowering of the saint’s civic cult in Siena the first half of the fourteenth century. With St. Ansanus’s body (if not his head) safely deposited in the religious heart of the Siena, its cathedral, civic leaders turned their attention to elevating his status among the faithful. In 1325, the General Council of Siena bestowed its formal endorsement by elevating his feast day, December 1, to the status of an official holiday.^xviii Six years later, in 1331, it commissioned the famous triptych for the saint’s altar now housed in the Uffizi in Florence. [slide] Executed by Simone Martini, its central panel depicts the Annunciation the Virgin, the titular saint of the cathedral.^xix Its side panels show Ansanus on the left and his godmother, Maxima, on the right. This is the earliest known example of the use of the balzana to signal the affiliation of any saint with the commune and perhaps provided a model for the numerous examples of painting and manuscript illumination that would subsequently represent Ansanus in this way.^xx

The discovery of a new source for the office of St. Ansanus compells us to ask how well the versified office accords with this civic. The source in question, ACA Duomo H, is a large, illuminated miscellany of mass and office chants from the cathedral of Arezzo.^xxi Seventeen contiguous folios distributed across two fascicles of the manuscript preserve the office of St. Ansanus [slide], who appears in an illuminated initial that adorns the ‘A’ of the opening antiphon [slide]. He holds a cross rather than the Sienese balzana, of which the absence accords with the Aretine provenance of the manuscript. Based on the style of the miniature, the art historian Dr. Sonia Chiodo has recently convingly dated it to the early 1320s. There is nothing to suggest that the music and text of the office was copied substantially earlier than the illumination. ACA Duomo H is thus the earliest notated source for Ansanus Rome, predating the antiphoners AOMS Ospedale 9 and AOMS 11.M by more than one hundred years. It may well be older than the fourteenth-century breviary, BCIS F.VIII.12, which, as noted above, preserves only the text of the office. Finally, the miscellany cast doubt on the hypothesis that Ansanus Rome originated wholesale in Siena by placing the office at the cathedral of Arezzo in the 1320s, the very decade in which the Sienese commune endorsed Ansanus as its official patron.

An examination of the texts of Ansanus Rome further our suspicion that this office originated in Arezzo rather than Siena, and it at this point that I will direct your attention back to Table 2 in the handout. Versified offices of this period typically include chants whose texts are either narrative or panageric. Narrative texts, as the term suggests, tell part of the saint’s story and thus feature the third person. Panageric ones, by contrast, feature exhortations and requests and thus features the first and second person: ‘intercede for us, O Ansanus’ or ‘let us celebrate this glorious feast of St. Ansanus.’ Ansanus Rome is unusual in that its antiphons and responsories are exclusively narrative and consequently lack the calls to worship and petitions for intercession that often channel the voice of a particular community such as Arezzo or Siena. Much like the office prayer, Celestis gratie, the texts of its antiphons and responsories gives no hint as to who is singing.

Furthermore, the story told in these chants is remarkably neutral in its tone, which can be in part attributed to their literary source. Their account of Ansanus’s life accords in every particular with the saint’s original, early medieval Passion. The tripartite structure of this text aligns with unusual precision with the principal divisions of the canonical hours in Ansanus Rome. The antiphons of first vespers relate Ansanus’s childhood, culminating in his baptism in the Magnificat antiphon, Sub mandatis angeli. The antiphons and responsories of matins and lauds, which were celebrated without intermission, in turn recount his trial and imprisonment in Rome and conclude with the execution of his godmother, Maxima, in the Benedictus antiphon Istos mane milites. Finally, second vespers pertains to the events that occur after Ansanus’s initial flight from Rome.^xxii By virtue of their strict dependence on the original Passion, these chants focus squarely on the saint’s activities in Rome, thereby avoiding the issue of the presence of his relics in both Arezzo and Siena.

Yet in one respect the antiphons and responsories present a distinctly partisan view of St. Ansanus. Given the distribution of biographical information over first vespers, matins, and lauds, we would expect Ansanus Rome to conclude with a full complement of five proper antiphons for second vespers that would recount Ansanus’s ministry in Siena and martyrdom at Dofana.^xxiii Instead, the final hour of second vespers comprises only one proper antiphon, Ad civitatem (V2-Am), which relates a vision that Ansanus experienced before his arrival in Siena: ‘When you, with a kindled spirit, fled to the city of Bagnoregio, the Lord calls you in a vision and places you as the column in his temple’.^xxiv This is a startling conclusion to Ansanus Rome for three reasons. First, it gives pride of place to an episode that obtained only moderate importance in the early medieval Passion and, second, the ending ignores the defining moment in the life of any martyr, namely his death, which previous antiphons in fact forecast by referring to Ansanus as a ‘martyr’.^xxv Third, it means that the antiphons and responsories never even mention Siena and thus effectively write the city out of the saint’s legendary biography. Who but an Aretine would have engaged in such an extraordinary act of literary transformation?

The literary evidence culled from Ansanus Rome thus favours the following scenario. This office dates from the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century but originated not, as previously thought, in Siena but instead in Arezzo. Unlike the Sienese, however, the Aretines did not claim this saint as their exclusive patron but nonetheless venerated him due to the presence of his head in their city. The texts but not necessarily the music of Ansanus Rome circulated in Siena by the end of the fourteenth century as evidenced by their inclusion in the unnoted breviary from that city, BCIS F.VIII.12, which is listed in Table 1. Yet the city’s most important ecclesiastical institutions, the cathedral and hospital of Santa Maria della Scala, seem not to have adopted these Aretine chants until the fifteenth century. Its antiphons and resposories – music and text – appear in their choirbooks only from 1450 onwards.

That the Sienese ultimately adopted the office of St. Ansanus confounds our expectations concerning relic cults in the Middle Ages. In this period, religious communities regularly engaged in fierce struggles with each other over the control of local saints, using the liturgy in general and offices in particular to articulate their claims to these holy men and women. The city of Tours provides a particularly prominent and well documented case in point. As amply documented in a recent monograph by Yossi Maurey, by the thirteenth century the abbey of Saint-Martin had consolidated its monopoly over the relics of its titular saint, who was considered to be the third bishop of the city. The local cathedral responded by promoting the rival cult associated with St. Gatian, whom it celebrated as the first bishop in a new Life and office.^xxvi Closer to home, as my own work has shown, the Passion and office of the Florentine martyr, St. Minias, reflected the competing claims to his relics by the cathedral of Santa Reparata and the monastery of San Minato al Monte.^xxvii The struggle between Arezzo and Siena over St. Ansanus’s original shrine at Dofana and the subsequent division of his relics between them set the stage for a similar rivalry that could have easily found expression in competing offices.

Yet the fate of Ansanus Rome in Siena raises a question of an altogether different sort, one that concerns music rather than politics. Given the failure of their texts to name both Arezzo and Siena, the antiphons and responsories neither advanced nor explicitly contradicted the civic cult of St. Ansanus in Siena. Indeed, the cathedral canons of Siena put their stamp on the Aretine chants. Their choirbook, AOMS 11.M, adorns the opening antiphon of Ansanus Rome with an illuminated initial that depicts its saint holding a palm and the balzana exactly as he appears in Simone Martini’s altarpiece executed roughly a century and a half earlier.^xxviii This visual parallel would have been particularly obvious were the clerics to have sung the office from the choirbook before the saint’s altar.^xxix Yet the canons laid claim to the Aretine chants in a second, more startling way, by replacing the original melodies of the antiphons and responsories with new ones. How did the new music differ from the old and what precipitated this remarkable act of recomposition?

A comparison of the Aretine and Sienese melodies for Ansanus Rome requires a broader understanding of plainsong composed for the Divine Office in the central and late Middle Ages. In the past two decades, musicological scholarship has developed various analytical criteria to evaluate this vast repertoire of ‘post-Gregorian’ chant, which is to say chant composed after the dissemination of what came to be known as ‘Gregorian’ chant around 800. Drawing in particular on the work of Roman Hankeln, David Hiley, and Andrew Hughes, my paper aims to refine even further our perception of musical style and structure in the versified office in general through an examination of the antiphons and the responsories of Ansanus Rome.^xxx I being by considering the twenty-two antiphons, which illustrate most clearly the differences between the Aretine and Sienese settings. Paradoxically, as we shall see, the older, Aretine settings were conventionally modern for their time while the newer Sienese ones were more indebted to the traditional, ‘Gregorian’ chant of the distant past.

The modal organization and distribution of the antiphons already hints at this difference. As is typical in versified offices, the Aretine chants are organized in ascending modal order as seen in the second column. [slide] The only exceptions are several of the matins antiphons, which omit Mode 4 and repeat Modes 5 and 6.^xxxi Consequently these chants feature a relatively even distribution across the eight modes. [slide] The Sienese settings, by contrast, are modally unordered in the manner of earlier, Gregorian offices, and their distribution is highly uneven as seen in the third column of the table. No fewer than eight of the twenty-two antiphons are in Mode 1, which accords with the large concentration of Gregorian antiphons in that mode.^xxxii In his analysis of the Sienese version of Ansanus Rome, D’Accone speculated that their modal disorder and uneven distribution betrayed their origins as ‘late medieval reworkings of earlier pieces’. Alternatively, he noted, the antiphons might be the product of ‘centonization, whereby stock melodic formulas and phrases were strung together to create an entirely new work’.^xxxiii Yet there is a better explanation for the musical disorganization of the Sienese antiphons, one that emerges via a comparison with their Aretine counterparts.

All twenty-two antiphons for St. Ansanus in ACA Duomo H exhibit a uniformity in their modal design and musical style, in which respects they in turn resemble antiphons from other versified offices of the period.^xxxiv As illustrated in Ansanus catholicus (M-A1) [slide], these chants display an ‘aggressive modality’ characteristic of various genres of late medieval chant.^xxxv With the exception of ascents to g near the beginning and end (Ansanus and fuit), all the inflection points and melodic goals of Ansanus catholicus fall on the first, fifth, and eighth scale degrees of the first mode. As a result, the ambitus of this chant extends a full ninth from the subtonic, c, to the octave above the final, d.^xxxvi Its cadences fall exclusively on the final or reciting tone, a; three of them are subtonal (or Gallican), which further emphasize d and a by repeating the cadential pitch.^xxxvii The melodic style of Ansanus catholicus reinforces its modality: the two leaps exceeding a fourth (marked by dashed arrows) outline the lower pentachord of the modal octave; the one scale to do so (marked by a solid arrow) begins on the upper octave.^xxxviii Even the moderately florid declamation underscores the mode: all three melismas end on the first or eighth scale degrees (catholicus, martirio, and non).^xxxix Here and throughout the Aretine antiphons for St. Ansanus, the articulation of scale segments thus defines modal identity.

Compare the Sienese version Ansanus catholicus, [slide] which illustrates a far more restrained approach rooted in the past. This chant features a narrow range, never establishing the upper tetrachord of the modal octave, namely a to d, in the manner of its Aretine cognate. Moreover, it presents no leaps or scales larger than a fourth and maintains a restrained, largely syllabic declamation.^xl D’Accone rightly characterized the Sienese antiphons in general as old-fashioned, speculating, as noted above, that they were either reworkings of pre-existing chants or composites of stock formulas. Yet the more useful analytical concept is that of a Gregorian tune family, whose members feature the same melodic shape adapted to their different texts with varying degrees of freedom. Ansanus catholicus belongs to the largest family of antiphons in Mode 1, one exemplified [slide] by the Gregorian antiphon Cum facis helymosinam.^xli The first two phrases of these two chants are nearly identical as is their final cadence. Unlike its Aretine cognate, the Sienese setting of Ansanus catholicus thus signals its mode not via the ‘aggressive’ articulation of scale segments but rather by adhering to the general melodic shape of a traditional tune family.

This traditional character extends to nearly all of the Sienese antiphons for St. Ansanus. As shown in Table 2, twelve belong to Gregorian tune families, which I have indicated by identifying the tune family in parentheses in the third column using the pioneering taxomony of Walter Frere. These twelve antiphons accordingly resemble Ansanus catholicus in their narrow ranges, syllabic declamation, and penchant for conjunct motion. The ten antiphons that are independent from such families, by contrast, exhibit a greater degree of modal aggression: they treat the first, third, and fifth scale degrees as key inflection points and the octave above the final (or the fourth below it) as a melodic goal. Yet even these ‘free’ antiphons generally resemble the ‘Gregorian’ ones in their avoidance of leaps and spare declamation.^xlii They too mark a sharp contrast with the more conventional, post-Gregorian style of their Aretine counterparts.

Nevertheless, the Sienese antiphons for St. Ansanus betray their modernity in other ways. Unlike Gregorian offices, versified ones sometimes display paired phrases and musical rhyme.^xliii This was not the case with the Aretine antiphons for St. Ansanus as illustrated in ex. 1. Yet periodicity is one of the defining characteristics of the Sienese antiphons as was first noted by D’Accone.^xliv Returning to the Sienese setting of Ansanus catholicus in ex. 2, the third and fourth phrases echo the first and second ones respectively; the alternating open and close cadences mirror the rhyme scheme of the text (Ex. 2). In order to provide a second antecedent-consequent pair that mirrors the first, the second half of the chant must depart from the norms of its tune family in several small but significant ways. Gregorian members of the family, including Cum facis helymosinam in Ex. 3, normally end their third phrase with a cadence on f or g rather than on a and rarely begin their final phrase on a. These departures from convention in the Sienese chant not only sharpen its modal profile chant by emphasizing the fifth scale degree but also transform the melodic shape of a traditional tune family into a double period that mirrors the versified text. Ansanus catholicus thus presents us with an amalgam of old and new, one we might best call ‘neo-Gregorian’ as distinct from the conventional ‘post-Gregorian’ style exemplified by its Aretine counterpart in ex. 1.

In sum, it is hard to hear the Sienese antiphons for St. Ansanus as anything else but a conservative argument in their strong appeal to the Gregorian past. They eschew the more expansive, florid, and aggressively modal plainsong typical of versified offices of the late Middle Ages. ^xlv This rejection would have been particularly striking were the Sienese to have known (or known of) the original Aretine setting of Ansanus Rome, which seems likely given the proximity of Arezzo to Siena. In this case, the Sienese could have simply adopted the Aretine antiphons wholesale. That they went to the considerable trouble of composing new melodies says much about the strength of their musical convictions. The Sienese were willing to sing antiphons whose texts omitted any mention of their city but not, it seems, ones that were set to conventionally modern music.

Indeed, this mixture of accommodation and unyieldingness extended to the responsories of Ansanus Rome. These chants manifest their neo-Gregorian style somewhat differently than do the antiphons because of the distinctive characteristics of their genre. Traditional responsories are highly formulaic but do not fall into tune families defined by a general melodic shape. Instead, the responds of these chants combine standard melodic ‘elements’ that are specific to a given mode and exhibit varying degrees of fixity.^xlvi Their paired verses are in turn set to an elaborate tone. Kate Helsen and James Boyce have shown that responsories of versified offices occasionally incorporated the standard elements and verse tones of their Gregorian predecessors.^xlvii In the Sienese responsories, as we shall see, these formulaic attributes acquire even greater significance.

Once again, modal organization offers a point of departure for exploring the differences between the Aretine and Sienese settings. [slide] As with the antiphons, the responsories preserved in ACA Duomo H are disposed into ascending modal order while those in AOMS Ospedale 9 and AOMS 11.M are not (Table 1). The Sienese responsories nonetheless feature a relatively even distribution, with two in Modes 1 and 8 and one in each of the remaining modes save Mode 3.^xlviii The sixth responsory, Crucifixum spernite is the only responsory whose Aretine and Sienese melodies are in the same mode. It thus illustrates with particular clarity the differences between the Aretine and Sienese approaches.

The Aretine setting of Crucifixum spernite [slide] exemplifies characteristics commonly associated with late responsories by what is absent as well as what is present. Neither does its respond feature standard melodic elements nor is its verse, which begins at ‘si celestem principem,’ set to the traditional tone. The entire chant is aggressively modal in the manner of the Aretine antiphons. Its cadences are restricted to the first, third, and fifth scale degrees as are all cases of repeated pitches save one (levando). Its ambitus is correspondingly large, exceeding the modal octave by a major third with its ascent to e’ (redite).^xlix The respond repeatedly traverses this expansive range quickly via a combination of leaps and scales. These rapid ascents or descents often occur in conjunction with ‘z-figures’ (denoted with arrows), which, when employed with such frequency, have been identified by Roman Hankeln as a hallmark of late responsories.^l With its freedom from traditional formulaicism, its aggressive modality, and its melodic dynamism, this setting illustrates the key features and thus the modernity of the Aretine responsories writ large.

The Sienese version of Crucifixum spernite [slide], by contrast, evokes an earlier style through a targeted use of traditional material. The verse is set to the tone appropriate to Mode 6; the respond ends with the standard closing element labelled F¹ according to Walter Frere’s taxonomy.^li The preceding phrases do not feature standard elements but nonetheless match the declamation, modal profile, and the melodic style of F¹. This setting of Crucifixum spernite is far less florid than its Aretine cognate, with no melismas longer than the one in its standard element (levando).^lii It is not aggressively modal: cadences fall not only on f, a, and c’, but also on g, a prominent cadential pitch in traditional responsories in Mode 6.^liii Moreover, it does not establish the full modal octave of the sixth mode, never exploring the tetrachord below the final.^liv Finally, the Sienese Crucifixum spernite exhibits a far slower melodic dynamic than the Aretine one: its first phase leisurely ascends a third f to a, mirroring the even slower descent in F¹ from a to f through three symmetrical arches marked in the example.^lv

This incorporation of Gregorian material in the Sienese responsories is particularly distinctive because it is so consistent. Four of the nine responsories begin with a standard element; all nine conclude with a standard element and incorporate a verse set to a tone in precisely the manner of Crucifixum spernite.^lvi Moreover, the overall declamation, modal profile, and melodic style of all nine responsories conforms to those of their closing element. The uniformity with which traditional material is deployed across the Sienese responsories suggests that their Gregorian character is no accident but is the result of a considered plan.

Finally, the Sienese plainsong once again signals its modernity via its phrase structure. The responsories do not show the same penchant for strict periodicity evident in the antiphons.^lvii Nevertheless, they do make consistent use of musical rhyme as illustrated here in Crucifixum spernite, which sets five pairs of alternating seven- and six-syllable lines. The even-numbered verses of the respond end with closed cadences on the first and fifth scale degrees, the odd-numbered ones with open cadences on the third or fourth degrees. The use of musical rhyme differentiates the Sienese responsories from their Aretine counterparts, which do not employ this technique. Yet it also distinguishes them from Gregorian responsories, which follow cadential roadmaps particular to a given mode. Traditional responsories in Mode 6 usually cadence on f at the end of their second and third phrases, a scheme that would cut against the rhyme scheme of Crucifixum spernite.^lviii Much like the Sienese antiphons for St. Ansanus, the responsories thus embody a neo-Gregorian style in their mixture of new and old.

* * * * *

Although Ansanus Rome is but one of more than one thousand versified offices to survive from the Middle Ages, it nonetheless has an instructive story to tell. It was the product neither of the competitive spirit that commonly drove medieval relic cults in general nor of the civic religion characteristic of Italian city-states in particular. With the discovery of a new source, ACA Duomo H, Ansanus Rome emerges as something more unusual: a de facto collaboration between two rivals, Arezzo and Siena, which both enjoyed claims to its saint’s relics. Furthermore, the Sienese melodies for its antiphons and responsories were not simply old-fashioned but rather neo-Gregorian, an adaptation of Gregorian models to versified texts that marked a pointed rejection of the post-Gregorian chant exemplified by their Aretine forerunners. Even as their texts made an implicit case for Ansanus’s sanctity, their melodies were an argument for a certain way of composing plainsong.

*^* The following abbreviations are used throughout:
A Antiphon

Ab Benedictus Antiphon

ACA Archivio Capitolare di Arezzo

Am Magnificat Antiphon

AOMS Archivio dell’Opera Metropolitana di Siena

BCIS Biblioteca Comunale degli Intronati di Siena

H Hymn

I Invitatory

L Lauds

M Matins

R Responsory

V Vespers

i^ Alan Thacker, ‘Loca Sanctorum: The Significance of Place in the Study of Saints’, in Alan Thacker and Richard Sharpe (ed.), Local Saints and Local Churches in the Early Medieval West (Oxford, 2002), 1-43, whose title alludes to the classic study by Hippolyte Delehaye, ‘Loca sanctorum’, Analecta Bollandiana 48 (1930), 5-64. See also Sabine MacCormack, ‘Loca Sancta: The Organization of Sacred Topography in Late Antiquity’, in Robert Ousterhout (ed.), The Blessings of Pilgrimage (Urbana, 1990), 7-40.

ii^ Ritva Maria Jacobsson and Andreas Haug, ‘Versified Office’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, online edition: www.oxfordmusiconline.com, estimate the survival of at least 1500 versified offices while Andrew Hughes, Late Medieval Liturgical Offices: Resources for Electronic Research. Sources and Chants (Subsidia mediaevalia 24, Toronto, 1996), vol. 1, 257, catalogues nearly 1300. The texts of approximately 1000 versified offices are edited in Guido Maria Dreves and Clemens Blume (eds.), Analecta hymnica medii aevi (Fues's Verlag, 1886-1922), vol. 5, 13, 14b, 17, 18, 24, 25, 26, 28, 41, 45, 50, 52. Andrew Hughes, ‘British Rhymed Offices: A Catalogue and Commentary’, in Susan Rankin and David Hiley (ed.), Music in the Medieval English Liturgy (Oxford, 1993), 239-84, illustrates the localized character of versified offices in one particular area.

iii^ Joachim Knape, ‘Zur Benennung der Offizien im Mittelalter. Das Wort historia als liturgischer Begriff’, Archiv für Liturgiewissenschaft 26 (1984), 305-20. Throughout the present study, ‘life’ and ‘martyrdom’ denotes a saint’s lived experience and execution while the capitalized ‘Life’ and ‘Passion’ refers to their respective literary accounts.

iv^ The office is catalogued as AN71 in Andrew Hughes, Late Medieval Liturgical Offices: Resources for Electronic Research. Texts (Subsidia mediaevalia 23, Toronto, 1994) and its texts are edited in Dreves and Blume, Analecta hymnica, vol. 22, nos 52-54, 36-37 (hymns) and vol. 24, no. 65, 194-96 (antiphons and responsories).

v^ Frank D’Accone, The Civic Muse: Music and Musicians in Siena During the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Chicago, 1997), 97-117, a portion of which already appeared in idem., ‘The Sienese Rhymed Office for the Feast of Sant’Ansano’, in Giulio Cattin and Patrizia Dalla Vecchia (ed.), L’ars nova italiana del Trecento: Atti del congresso internazionale ‘L’Europa e la musica del Trecento’, Certaldo, Palazzo Pretorio, 19-20-21 luglio 1984 (Certaldo, 1992), 21-40.

vi^ AOMS 11.M, fos. 25v-56r and AOMS Ospedale 9 (olim 89.I), fos. 27r-61v, on which see D’Accone, The Civic Muse, 70 and 104-05 with bibliography.

vii^ Augustine Thompson, Cities of God: The Religion of the Italian Communes, 1125-1325 (University Park, Pa., 2005), 113-20, and Diana Webb, Patrons and Defenders: The Saints in the Italian City-States (London, 1996).

viii^ D’Accone, The Civic Muse, 104.

ix^ Two settings of the versified office for St. Martha likewise circulated in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries: Zsuzsa Czagány, Historia de Sancta Martha hospita Christi, redactio Bohemica: Ein spätmittelalterliches Reimoffizium zu Ehren der heiligen Martha in seiner böhmischen Überlieferung (Historiae, 9; Ottawa, Canada, 2004). Similarly, there survive two sets of melodies for the versified office for the Three Marys, one in Florence, San Marco, Carmine, O, fos. 42r-61v (saec. XIV) and another in Mainz, Dom- und Diözesanmuseum, E, fos. 487r-505r (saec. XV): James John Boyce, ‘The Office of the Three Marys in the Carmelite Liturgy’, Journal of the Plainsong and Mediaeval Music Society 11 (1989), 1-38.

x^ This paragraph summarizes the Passio Sancti Ansani I as preserved in the fourteenth-century breviary BCIS, F.VIII.12, fos. 574r-76v, and edited in Mansi, ‘Appendix’, 60-63. The Passio also survives in two lectionaries: one compiled in the diocese of Trier, Brussels, Bibliothèque Royal, lat. 206, fos. 139v-40v (saec. XII^ex/XIIIⁱⁿ), edited in Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum bibliothecae regiae Bruxellensis. Codices Latini Membranei, 2 vols. (Brussels, 1886-1889), vol. 1, 129-32; and another from the cathedral of Siena, BCIS, G.I.2, fos. 2v-4v (saec. XIII^ex/XIVⁱⁿ). That the Brussels manuscript also contains the Passion of St. Minias of Florence (fos. 64r-65r) may suggest a particular interest in Tuscan saints in or around Trier. All three sources parse the Passio Sancti Ansani I into nine lessons, placing the divisions between lessons at different points in the text from one another. Otherwise, the three manuscripts transmit a stable, complete text, which shows no signs of abbreviation or modification for liturgical use as are found, for instance, in the Passion of St. Thomas of Canterbury: Rob Getz, ‘The Becket Lessons: Two Texts in Breviaries from the British Isles’, in Andrew Hughes and Kate Helsen (ed.), The Becket Offices: Paradigms for Liturgical Research (Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen, Lions Bay, Canada, 2014), 79-147 at 25. The only substantive difference between the manuscript sources is an additional sentence that appears near the conclusion of the Passion in BCIS F.VIII.12, fo. 576v. It states that Ansanus was martyred 984 years ago in 296, which places the moment of its writing in 1290: Mansi, ‘Appendix’, 63, which incorrectly transcribes ‘984’ as ‘9’ years as noted in D’Accone, The Civic Muse, 100, n. 92. That neither of the lectionaries include this sentence suggests that it constitutes a later addition to the original text of the Passion.

xi^ These three parts accord with the division of the Passion in the lectionary from the diocese of Trier (cited above, n. 12), where the first lesson marks the beginning of Part I, the third lesson that of Part II, and the eight lesson Part III.

xii^ The literary model in question was the ancient Gesta martyrum of Rome, of which the classic study is Hippolyte Delehaye, The Legends of the Saints: An Introduction to Hagiography, trans. V. M. Crawford (London, 1907).

xiii^ Alfredo Maroni, Prime comunità cristiane e strade romane nei territori di Arezzo - Siena - Chiusi (dalle origine al secolo VIII) (3rd edn., Siena, 2001), 270-80; Jean Delumeau, Arezzo: Espace et sociétés, 715-1230 (Collection de l’École française de Rome, 206; Rome, 1996), vol. 1, 475-87; and Webb, Patrons, 37-39.

xiv^ Pasqui, Documenti, vol. 1, no. 11, 26-27 (19 May 752), on which see Benjamin Brand, Holy Treasure and Sacred Song: Relic Cults and their Liturgies in Medieval Tuscany (Oxford, 2014), 17-18.

xv^ Barcellona Scorza, ‘Un martire locale’, 18-19, likewise argues that the Passio Sancti Ansani I originated at the monastery of Sant’Ansano a Dofana but takes its failure to emphasize Siena as a sign that it predates the conflict between Arezzo and Siena and thus was written before 650.

xvi^ Translatio Sancti Ansani, ed. Ibid.: ‘velocissima fuga caeperunt hac & illac diffugere non observantes viam, vel semitam sicut viri fanatici ne dicam ut canes lyphatici’. On relic theft as a literary topos in medieval translationes, see Patrick J. Geary, Furta Sacra: Thefts of Relics in the Central Middle Ages (2nd edn., Princeton, N.J., 1990).

xvii^ Eugenio Boccaccini, ‘In merito al reliquiario di S. Ansano’, Brigata Aretina degli Amici dei Monumenti. Bollettino 28 (1995), 26-31 at 27-31, at 31, cites the account of the procession in Jacopo Bruali, Vite dei vescovi Aretini (Arezzo, 1638), which I have been unable to consult personally.

xviii^ Siena Archivio di State, Consiglio Generale, vol. 103, fos. 95r-v (24 October 1325), quoted and translated in D’Accone, The Civic Muse, 103.

xix^ Monika Butzek, ‘Le pale di Sant’Ansano e degli altri Protettori nel Duomo di Siena. Una storia documentaria’, in Alessandro Cecchi and Simone Martini (ed.), Simone Martini e l’Annunciazione degli Uffizi (Milan, 2001), 35-59 at 35. The altar of St. Ansanus was the first of four altarpieces commissioned for the four ‘patronal altars’ (i.e. altars dedicated to local saints) of the cathedral in the fourteenth century: Norman, Siena and the Virgin, 67-85.

xx^ The balzana is conspicuously missing from he depictions of Ansanus in the Maestà executed for the high altar of the cathedral by Duccio c.1308-11 and the fresco on the same subject in the Sala del Consiglio of the Palazzo Pubblico (c.1315-1321): Diana Norman, Siena and the Virgin: Art and Politics in a Late Medieval City State (New Haven, 1999), 84. Argenziano and Bisogni, ‘L'iconografia’, 105-8, traces the broader iconographic tradition on Ansanus holding the balzana.

xxi^ ACA Duomo H measures 38 by 42 cm and comprises 162 folios. ACA Duomo H, fos. 90v-93v, preserve mass formularies for St. Ansanus—Exultet hodie collegium (Introit), Beatus es Ansane (Gradual), Alleluia. Egregie fortitudinis, Obtulisti tu Domino (Offertory), and Martyrii calicem (Communion)—which appear with no significant variants in Sienese graduals of the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries: D’Accone, The Civic Muse, 115-17.

xxii^ Hughes, The Versified Office, 157-58, identifies versified offices that similarly parse the legendary biography of their saints in accordance with the divisions between the canonical hours and/or the nocturns of matins.

xxiii^ Some but not all versified offices include proper psalm antiphons for second vespers as does, for instance, the versified office of St. Donatus of Arezzo, Splendor stelle clare lucis, preserved in ACA, Duomo H, fos. 35r-53r, and edited in Kim, ‘Historia Donati’, 43.

xxiv^ ACA H, fos. 90-90v, with variants from AOMS 9.I, fos. 61-61v and AOMS,11.M, fos. 55v-56 in brackets: ‘Ad civitatem | Balneum Regense [Regensem] | cum refugisses | spiritus accense | sub visione | dominus te vocat | et te columnam | templo [in templo] suo locat’.

xxv^ Flagravit martir (V1-A2) and Christo grates referunt (L-A1). In addition, Ansanus Catholicus (M-A1) announces his fervent desire to die for his faith.

xxvi^ Yossi Maurey, Medieval Music, Legend, and the Cult of St. Martin: The Local Foundations of a Universal Saint (Cambridge, 2014), 172-205, and idem., Historia Sancti Gatiani, Episcopi Turonensis (Historiae, 23; Lions Bay, Canada, 2014). See also Sharon Farmer, Communities of Saint Martin: Legend and Ritual in Medieval Tours (Ithaca, 1991) on the broader contest between the cathedral and monastery of Saint-Martin.

xxvii^ Brand, Holy Treasure, 210-17.

xxviii^ AOMS 11.M, fo. 25v.

xxix^ On the particular site of the liturgical celebrations on Ansanus’s feast day within the Sienese cathedral, see above, n. 38.

xxx^ See in particular Roman Hankeln, ‘Zur musikstilistischen Einordnung mittelalterlicher Heiligenoffizien’, (ed.), Lingua mea calamus scribae. Mélanges offerts à madame Marie-Noel Colette (Solesmes, France, 2009), 147-57; idem., ‘Old and New in Medieval Chant: Finding Methods of Investigating an Unknown Region’, in Ole Kongsted, et al. (ed.), A Due. Musical Essays in Honour of John D. Bergsagel and Heinrich Schwab (Copenhagen, 2008), 161-80; David Hiley, ‘Two Plainchant Offices for St. Theodore Tyro: Variety in the Form and Style of Medieval Chant’, De musica disserenda 9 (2013), 209-22; idem., ‘The Offices Sung in San Marco, Venice. Stylistic Layers in Plainchant for Local Saints’, in Franco Bernabei and Antonio Lovato (ed.), Sine musica nulla disciplina... Studi in Onore di Giulio Cattin (Padua, 2006), 123-36; idem., ‘Early Cycles of Office Chants for the Feast of Mary Magdalene’, in John Haines and Randall Rosenfeld (ed.), Music and Medieval Manuscripts: Paleography and Performance. Essays Dedicated to Andrew Hughes (Aldershot, 2004), 269-399; Andrew Hughes, ‘Singing and Semantics in Late Medieval Chant: The Importance of Chant Texts’, in Kate Helsen and Rob Getz (ed.), The Becket Offices: Paradigms for Liturgical Research (Lions Bay, Canada, 2014), 11-17; idem., The Versified Office, vol. 1, 506-11. David Hiley, ‘Cantate Domino Canticum Novum: Old and New in Medieval Chant and the Status of St Gregory’, Musica e storia 14 (2006), 127-41 at 127-29, provides older bibliography on post-Gregorian chant.

xxxi^ Andrew Hughes, ‘Modal Order and Disorder in the Rhymed Office’, Musica Disciplina 37 (1983), 29-51 at 38-42, shows that such isolated instances modal disorder was sometimes the result of the modification of a monastic office, which featured thirteen antiphons and twelve responsories for matins, for secular use. That the Aretine antiphons but not the responsories of Ansanus Rome exhibit such disorder, however, argues against the hypothesis that it originated as a monastic office.

xxxii^ According to the statistics compiled in Willi Apel, Gregorian Chant (Bloomington, 1958), 138, Gregorian antiphons in Mode 1 numbered 369 (or 24% of the total), which was exceeded only by those in Mode 8 (449 or 29% of the total). The modal distributions of prose and versified antiphons in general mirror those of the Sienese and Aretine antiphons: Hughes, The Versified Office, vol. 1, 238-39.

xxxiii^ D’Accone, The Civic Muse, 106-7. The concept of ‘centonization’ derives from literary studies and was first applied to Gregorian chant by Paolo Maria Ferretti in Estetica Gregoriana ossia trattato delle forme musicali del Canto Gregoriano (Rome, 1934), ??. More recently, scholars have questioned its relevance to medieval plainsong e.g. Philippe Bernard, ‘David mutatus in melius: L'origine et la signification de la centonisation des chants liturgiques au VIe siècle par la Schola Cantorum romaine’, Musica e storia 4 (1996), 5-66, and Leo Treitler, ‘“Centonate” Chant: Übes Flickwerk or E pluribus unus?”, Journal of the American Musicological Society 25 (1975), 1-23. See also Emma Hornby, Gregorian and Old Roman Eighth-Mode Tracts: A Case Study in the Transmission of Western Chant (Aldershot, 2002), 10, which explicitly avoids the use of this concept.

xxxiv^ Hankeln, ‘Zur musikstilistischen Einordnung’, 152-55, categorizes 1831 antiphons from 85 prose and versified offices into five stylistic layers based on various characteristics, including ambitus, length, the outlining of the entire modal octave, and ‘melismatic factor’ (on which see n. 72 below), as well as the presence of Gallican cadences, melodic leaps, and scales. Based on these criteria, the Aretine antiphons for St. Ansanus would sit comfortably in Hankeln’s Layer C, which comprises offices dating principally from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.

xxxv^ I borrow the phrase, ‘aggressively modal’, from Hughes, ‘The Importance’, 14, who uses the term to describe consistent emphasis on modally important pitches such as the first, third, and fifth scale degree in late medieval plainsong.

xxxvi^ The average ambitus of the twenty-two Aretine psalm and canticle antiphons for St. Ansanus is 8.9.

xxxvii^ The number of Gallican cadences in Ansanus catholicus is in fact somewhat unusual. The average number of such cadences in the nineteen Aretine psalm antiphons for St. Ansanus is 1.4 and only two other antiphons (V-A1 and L-A4) include three of them.

xxxviii^ Seven of the nineteen Aretine psalm antiphons for St. Ansanus feature one leap exceeding a fourth and six feature two in the manner of Ansanus catholicus. Seven of these chants include one scale larger than a fourth in the manner of Ansanus catholicus, eight feature two, and one features four. On the frequency of such leaps and scales late medieval plainsong for the Divine Office, see Roman Hankeln, ‘Die Antiphonen des Dionysius-Offiziums in Clm 14872 (St Emmeram, Regensburg, XVI. Jh.)’, in Walter Berschin and David Hiley (ed.), Die Offizien des Mittelalters: Dichtung und Musik (Tutzing, 1999), 109-128 at 115.

xxxix^ The ‘melismatic factor’, i.e. the total number of syllables in a chant divided by the total number of notes, provides a rough but useful measure of declamation as illustrated in Hankeln, ‘Zur musikstilistischen Einordnung’, 149. The melismatic factor of Ansanus catholicus is 2.03, which is only slightly higher than the average (1.96) for all twenty-two Aretine antiphons for St. Ansanus.

xl^ Indeed, the ambitus of Ansanus catholicus, namely a sixth, is small even by the standards of the Sienese antiphons for matins, lauds, and second vespers, for which the average melismatic factor is 7.4 and thus still smaller than the 8.9 for their Aretine cognates. Similarly, the melismatic factor of Ansanus catholicus is 1.32, which is slightly lower than the Sienese average of 1.56 and much lower than the Aretine average of 2.03.

xli^ Walter Howard Frere, Antiphonale Sarisburiense: A Reproduction in Facsimile of a Manuscript of the Thirteenth Century (London, 1901), vol. 1, 65-66, categorizes the family as ‘1a’.

xlii^ Of the four Sienese antiphons from Layer 1 not based on a Gregorian tune family, only Relinquamus demonum (M-A3) features a more florid melody. Its melismatic factor is 2.27, which far exceeds the average of 1.57, and it includes a descending leap of a fifth.

xliii^ E.g. the prominent and widely circulating Letare Germania (thirteenth century): Barbara Haggh, Two Offices for St. Elizabeth of Hungary: Gaudeat Hungaria and Letare Germania (Historia, 1; Ottawa, 1995), p. xxiii.

xliv^ D’Accone, The Civic Muse, 108.

xlv^ A suggestive point of comparison in this respect is the office of the Three Marys, for which, as noted above in n. 11, there survive two sets of melodies one in Florence, San Marco, Carmine, O, fos. 42r-61v (saec. XIV) and another in Mainz, Dom- und Diözesanmuseum, E, fos. 487r-505r (saec. XV). The chants in the earlier, i.e. Florentine, source are more conventionally post-Gregorian with wider ranges and florid declamation while those in the later, Mainz source are generally more restrained and dependant on Gregorian precedent. This lead Hankeln, ‘Zur musikstilistischen Einordnung’, 152-54, to place the ‘Florence’ version alongside the moderately progressive offices in his ‘Layer C’ and the ‘Mainz’ version with the most conservative and generally older ones in ‘Layer A’.

xlvi^ See the taxonomies of responsory elements in Kate Helsen, ‘The Great Responsories of the Divine Office: Aspects of Structure and Transmission’ (Ph.D. diss. University of Regensburg, 2008), Hans-Jörgen Holman, ‘The Responsoria Prolixa of the Codex Worchester F 160’ (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 1961), and Frere, Antiphonale Sarisburiense, vol. 1, 3-58.

xlvii^ Kate Helsen, ‘The Great Responsories in the Office of Thomas Becket’, in Kate Helsen and Rob Getz (ed.), The Becket Offices: Paradigms for Liturgical Research (Lions Bay, Canada, 2014); James John Boyce, ‘Rhymed Office Responsory Verses: Style Characteristics and Musical Significance’, (ed.), Cantus Planus: Papers Read at the 7th Meeting, Sopron, Hungary (1998), 101-3.

xlviii^ D’Accone, The Civic Muse, 109, mistakes the plagal responsories (M-R5, M-R6, M-R7, and M-R8) for authentic ones (presumably) because they do not consistently establish the lower tetrachord of their modal octave (e.g. Ex. 7 below). Their plagal orientation, however, is clearly signalled by their verses, of which all adhere to the traditional Gregorian tones.

xlix^ Only one of the other Aretine responsories, Spiritalis filius (M-R8) features an ambitus of a tenth. The ambitus of the remaining Aretine responsories is a ninth save that of Nostros deos colite (M-R4), which is an eighth.

l^ Hankeln, ‘Old and New’, 175. My analysis Crucifixum spernite draws more broadly on Hankeln’s discussion of ‘melodic dynamics’ in post-Gregorian chant (pp. 173-74).

li^ Frere, Antiphonale Sarisburiense, vol. 1, 39.

lii^ While the melismatic factor of the Aretine setting 2.87, that of the Sienese one 2.08. This mirrors the average for tall the Aretine and Sienese responsories, which is 2.7 and 2.14 respectively.

liii^ Helsen, ‘The Great Responsories’, 197.

liv^ In this respect, the Sienese setting of Crucifxum spernite resembles that of two other plagal responsories: the fourth-mode setting of Nostros deos colite (M-R4) descends only to the c (rather than to the b) below the final while the eighth-mode setting of Nostra vox insrepuit (M-R5) descends only to the low f (rather than the low d).

lv^ Hankeln, ‘Old and New’, 173, notes the propensity of Gregorian plainsong to negotiate relatively small ambitus via symmetrical melodic arches of this kind.

lvi^ M-R1: E¹; M-R2: O^b and G¹; M-R3: f¹ and F⁵; M-R4: ∆⁷; M-R5: O^a and G⁵; M-R6: F¹; M-R7: ∆⁷; M-R8: O^a and Δ¹; M-R9: G^5.. The letters refer to the standard elements as identified in Frere, Antiphonale Sarisburiense, vol. 1, 3-58.

lvii^ D’Accone, The Civic Muse, 109, notes that the verses of Nostros deos colite (M-R4) and Nostra vox instrepuit (M-R5) are musically identical to those of Non vos huc adduximus (M-R7) and Spiritalis filius (M-R8) respectively. He mistakenly interprets this as ‘the transferral of materials between pairs of pieces’ rather than the use of the same Gregorian tone in responsories of the same mode.

lviii^ Helsen, ‘The Great Responsories’, 197, from whom I borrow the term ‘roadmap’. On the phrase structure of Gregorian responsories in general, see Andreas Pfisterer, ‘Skizzen zu einer gregorianischen Formenlehre’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft 63 (2006), 145-61, and Peter Wagner, Einführung in die gregorianischen Melodien: Ein Handbuch der Choralwissenschaft. III. Gregorianische Formenlehre: Eine choralische Stiklkunde (Leipzig, 1921), 329-44.

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