Saudi Disad

US-Saudi Relations Resilient

Recent events, of course, suggest precisely the opposite. In last year's test run for this autumn's diplomatic crisis, there was no visible backlash from Riyadh after the Obama administration vetoed a UN Security Council resolution condemning Israeli settlement activity. And just this past week, after the president enunciated his clear opposition to the Palestinians' UN strategy, Saudi leaders put their strategic priorities on display by bucking an anti-Western OPEC decision and helpfully agreeing to increase domestic oil production, thereby denting the continued windfall that Iran has been earning from the recent rise in oil prices.

The important thing to remember with the U.S.-Saudi relationship and one of the key points in my book is that, while oil is very important, the relationship is also supported by two other very important pillars: Saudi Arabia’s strategic location—where it actually physically sits on the map—has been very important going back to World War II and remains that way in the present. The fact is that it borders on Iraq and is across the Persian Gulf from Iran, and is quite close to Israel. In addition, Saudi Arabia’s religiosity has been very important in the region. For example, in terms of its strategic location in the contemporary period, Saudi Arabia is extremely concerned over the possibility of Iran’s nuclear proliferation, and about its seeming relentless bid to acquire a successful nuclear program. So it shares a U.S. concern? On Iran it most certainly does. One of the things we’ve seen from the Saudis is a call for a nuclear-free Arabian gulf. In the past they’ve talked about a nuclear-free Middle East with clear reference to the Israelis. Now they’re very focused on their immediate neighbor to the east and their immediate efforts are to try to ensure a nuclear-free Arabian or Persian gulf.

EXT – Relations Resilient: Oil and Security

Relations strong despite democracy assistance

CNN July 3, 2011 ("Obama adviser discusses 'scratchy' ties with Arab allies" http://articles.cnn.com/2011-07-03/us/mideast_1_saudi-arabia-saudi-monarchy-washington-and-riyadh?_s=PM:US, SRM)

The United States has had "scratchy periods" with Saudi Arabia and other Middle Eastern allies over its support for reform movements in the region, National Security Adviser Tom Donilon acknowledged in a TV interview that aired Sunday. But Donilon told CNN's "Fareed Zakaria GPS" that Washington and the Saudi monarchy have common interests that keep relations "in pretty good shape." "Our conversations with our partners in the region -- including the Saudis -- I think have become very constructive and productive," Donilon said. "And I can tell you that from personal conversations with King Abdullah."

Giant arms deal ensures US-Saudi relations

Front Page 2011 ("Saudis up the nuclear ante"http://frontpagemag.com/2011/07/22/saudis-up-the-nuclear-ante/, SRM)

To that end, the Saudis have entered into a $60 billion arms deal with the United States, one which calls for the Saudi purchase of 84 US-built F-15 combat aircraft and an upgrade of 70 existing Saudi F-15s. The arms deal is also said to include an upgrade of the Saudi Patriot short-range missile defense in favor of a system to defend against higher-flying, medium-range ballistic missiles. In addition to the arms deal, reports have recently surfaced that the US has been secretly training and equipping an elite Saudi Arabian force of 35,000 troops to provide security for Saudi energy production facilities, desalinization pants and nuclear reactors. The newly developed force is separate from the Saudi military, as well as the Saudi Arabian National Guard.

Ignore talk of fluctuation: security and oil are the only relevant issues in US/Saudi relations

West 2001 (J. Robinson Former Assistant Secretary of the Interior, and currently Chairman of the Petroleum Finance Co “The Saudi problem: ignore the press reports” http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m2633/is_6_15/ai_82005574)

The American public has recently been served up a stream of articles about strains in the U.S. relationship with Saudi Arabia and the imminent demise of the Saudi royal family. Americans are troubled by repons of violent opposition, as well as the fact that many of Osama bin Laden's terrorists were born in Saudi Arabia, and funded from there. The impression has been created that America is bearing the consequences of Saudi incompetence, corruption, and inaction. This picture is outdated and complicates U.S.-Saudi relations. Close U.S.-Saudi relations are a keystone of U.S. Middle East policy. The two countries enjoy a long-standing strategic alliance, founded on a simple exchange: Saudi Arabia would provide an uninterrupted flow of oil to the United States, which in return would insure regional security, guaranteeing that Saudi resources would not fall prey to hungry predators. Since the alliance was formed by President Roosevelt and King Abdul Aziz near the end of World War II, differences of opinion have occurred from time to time, but the underlying foundation remained solid. The kingdom does have serious economic and political problems. Sentiment on the ground is certainly more charged than before September 11th. But this is a long way from concluding that Saudi Arabia is an unreliable partner, or that the royal family's days are numbered. The kingdom has begun to put internal and external policies in place in recent years to stabilize the situation they now face. Media reports partly reflect frustration in Washington political circles with Saudi Arabia's hesitant cooperation in the U.S.-led war on terrorism. In actual fact, the kingdom has provided cooperation, albeit not as publicly as the Bush administration might have liked. And its most important contribution has been on the oil side, cajoling OPEC into accepting lower prices immediately after September 11th.
American and Saudi security interests are the basis of relations

Dris-Ait-Hamadouche 2007 (Louisa "US-SAUDI RELATIONSHIP AND THE IRAQ WAR: THE DIALECTICS OF A DEPENDENT ALLIANCE, THE". Journal of Third World Studies. Spring 2007. FindArticles.com. 06 Oct. 2007. http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3821/is_200704/ai_n19431912)

This security assistance from the United States rests on two requirements: a/supply of arms, equipment, and training; and, b/the maintenance of an American security umbrella over the kingdom and its GCC neighbors.41 If the first element does not cause any trouble, the second one is quite problematic, notably because of the internal contestation (the well-known opposition of Islamist movements to the presence of foreign troops in the Holy Land). Yet, this mission remains possible even outside the borders, going from Qatar or other GCC states. The military cooperation explains in part the value of US-Saudi trade. In 1999 Saudi exports to the US were estimated at $7.9 billion and imports from the US at $7.6 billion. This two-way traffic is dominated by oil flows to the US and arms sales to Saudi Arabia. The total value of US arms agreements with Saudi Arabia from 1950 through March 1997 was some $94 billion, while arms agreements in the period 1991-1997 alone amounted to nearly $23 billion. According to the Washington-based Congressional Research Service, the number of US personnel in Saudi Arabia (military forces and contractors working with the local armed forces) revolves between 35,000 and 40,000. American arms and military assistance have gone largely to protect the royal family42 from internal and external threats. More recently, close observers of the Saudi scene43 estimated that Saudi Arabia operates more than 750 US main battle tanks, 4,800 other armored vehicles, and some 200 advanced combat aircraft. US training and support is critical to all of Saudi Arabia's military services and the Saudi National Guard. Moreover, Saudi Arabia signed some $7.7 billion worth of new arms agreements with the US between 1995 and 2002, and the Saudi need for US training and technical support will continue for at least another decade. The spectacular "military withdrawal" announced after the end of major operations in Iraq in May 2003 has yet to occur. In fact, American military personnel and civilian contractors on military-related projects remain at their jobs in Saudi Arabia. Some 30.000 Americans continue to live and work there, as do thousands of Britons, Irish, and other Europeans. The number of US instructors is likely to be increased, and the joint general staff committee, which has not met since 2001, resumed meetings in summer 2003. Even where Westerners are not directly involved, it is obvious that the country's development strategy, oil policy, security arrangements, and commercial interests are driven by Western-educated and Western-influenced Saudis. "There was no US base here before 1990, and a US military presence on the horizon was sufficient to guarantee our security."44 There is also the "continuing need" for US and Saudi security cooperation. In American and Saudi thinking, removing Iraqi President Saddam Hussein helped reduce the security risks in the Gulf, but it has not completely eliminated them. Both sides expect instability in the years or even decades to come. This is precisely why some analysts feel that isolating Saudi Arabia is not in US interest and that Congress and media bashing of the kingdom is counterproductive.45

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