A. Space being used to support ruling party legitimacy



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Link- Lunar Mining


Lunar mining link- leads to conflict

Hatch 2010 (Benjamin D., DIVIDING THE PIE IN THE SKY: THE NEED FOR A NEW LUNAR RESOURCES REGIME*, Emory International Law Review Volume 24)

The historical conflicts over imperialist regimes and colonialism tend to suggest that when powerful states have an interest in amassing something that exists in large, previously un-owned quantities in one location, they will inevitably come into conflict with one another. States have a limited economic interest in the Antarctic,218 and so they are unlikely to invest military assets and the necessary financing to vindicate or broaden their claim to something that is not generating them any wealth. In contrast, states seem to believe that they have potentially great economic interests in the Moon and, accordingly may have a correspondingly large motivation to have conflicts over it.219 Exploration of the Moon will benefit humanity—on Earth, new technologies will be have to be developed to aid states in the new space race— and on the Moon, providing new opportunities for human growth and expansion.220 Whatever name a regime wants to give to the Moon—res nullius or res communes—the Moon represents an unparalleled opportunity. Imagine a situation where one state was able to not only find large quantities of Helium-3 or some other valuable resource on the Moon but also succeeded in denying access to other states. That state would enjoy a tremendous economic advantage by cornering the market in some ultra-rare, useful commodity. Resources by their nature breed conflict.221 As demonstrated above, states will soon be converging on the Moon to reap the benefits that it may provide. Given the recent actions by the United States and China, and the spirit of conquest and competition that seems to be informing the current Moon rush, the vague and generic OST will not be able to sufficiently stop state conflict over the greatest economic opportunity in history.

Link- Manned space


Space program key to diplomatic power and nationalism

Chambers 09 (Rob, Naval Postgraduate school, revised by Moltz, Dr. James Clay, Naval Postgraduate School, “China’s Space Prgoram: A New Tool For PRC “Soft Power” In International Relations?” http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Mar/09Mar_Chambers.pdf)

David Chandler echoes similar sentiments in his analysis: The Chinese government expects its manned space program to enhance the reputation of China’s high-tech exports, giving it greater diplomatic and commercial power. It also sees space technology as critical to achieving technological parity with western nations and Japan. Specifically, it hopes the manned space programme will raise standards in computing, materials science, manufacturing and electronics.78

With the tumultuous events of the Sichuan earthquake, inflation at decades-high levels, a stock market that was at a 21-month low, and seemingly incessant protests over government corruption and social injustice, Willy Lam, a Hong Kong-based political scientist, said that “a successful Shenzhou-7 mission would help distract China’s 1.3 billion people from serious economic and social concerns...and will further consolidate the [Chinese Communist] Party’s claim that they can get things moving”.79 Lam also commented that, “the leadership is banking on patriotism and nationalism to pull them through”.80
Link- manned space key

Johnson-Freese 7 (Joan, Professor at the USA Naval War College, specialty in space programs and space security, “China’s Space Ambitions,” Instiut Francais des Relations Internationales)

Space activity, particularly manned spaceflight, also yields considerable prestige, prestige that translates into political prowess. China, as a rising Asian power, is inherently interested in prestige cum geostrategic influence. The implications of a manned space launch did not go unnoticed, for example, by the Japanese. After the first Chinese launch in 2003, one Japanese official was quoted as saying, "Japan is likely to be the one to take the severest blow from the Chinese success. A country capable of launching any time will have a large influence in terms of diplomacy at the United Nations and military affairs. Moves to buy products from a country succeeding in manned space flight may occur." The point about buying products from a country having successfully launched a man into space relates back to economic growth and the creation of technical jobs. As Tsinghua University Professor Yan Xuetong said in 2003, "Now people will realize that we don't only make clothes and shoes."
China’s space mission helps its political motives

Johnson-Freese 7 (Joan, Professor at the USA Naval War College, specialty in space programs and space security, “China’s Space Ambitions,” Instiut Francais des Relations Internationales)

Quite simply, prestige, as part of a larger package of actions, can have geostrategic implications. For the past several years, China has embarked on somewhat of a charm campaign throughout Asia and other parts of the world as well. It has carefully and deliberately sought to transform its image from that of a bully to that of a partner, using very realist political means. Aid packages to Africa, trade and aid packages throughout Asia, inroads into South American countries, not altruistically, but for resources, have nevertheless woven China into the tapestry of the international community. Polls taken in 2005 are indicative of China's success. According to a Pew Research Center poll taken in April and May 2005, "China now has a better image than the U.S. in most European nations surveyed." China's manned space program provides gloss to its positive image, especially in the developing world, which is in its benefit to perpetuate.


Link-Militirization/Weaponization Affs


US Space Weaponization leads to challengers- Cold War proves

http://www.colorado.edu/ArtsSciences/PWR/occasions/articles/Lowery_Why%20the%20Weaponization%20of%20Space%20Should%20Not%20Be%20Pursued.pdf

It is clear that the weaponization of space is not inevitable. However, does the concern of foreign weaponization justify the pursuit of space weapons anyway? The answer is an emphatic no. Although doing so would seem to increase the asymmetric space advantage the US has, it would actually have a destabilizing effect and result in a decreased advantage. The idea of space weapons brings to mind visions of military omnipotence, with the US able to easily strike down any adversary without fear of retaliation. Such an ability would deter many conflicts. A similar rationale developed in the 1940s with the creation of the atom bomb. It too seemed to provide infinite power that would cause the rest of the world to kneel before the US or suffer unimaginable retaliation. This idea worked once, ending World War II. Once the atom bomb became public, it sparked a massive arms race as other nations developed nuclear power. The stockpiling of nuclear arms led to the Cold War, an era defined by a world on the brink of destruction and rapidly shifting political climates. It is not a large leap in logic to conclude that since space weapons offer advantages of similar magnitude to nuclear weapons, their development will cause a similar situation. Other nations will not stand idle as the US weaponizes space—they will follow suit. In the end, space will become a volatile political liability and the medium for a new Cold War–style weapons spiral.


US Space weaponization hurts China’s space attempts

Zhang 06 (Hui, Senior Research Associate, Project on Managing the Atom, "Space Weaponization and Space Security: A Chinese Perspective"

Journal Article, China Security, volume 2, issue 1, pages 24-36)

As viewed by Chinese leaders, China’s own small strategic nuclear arsenal appears to be a plausible target for U.S. missile defenses.10 China fears that the BMD network would give the United States more freedom and power to inter- vene in its affairs, including undermining the country’s efforts at reunification with Taiwan. Moreover, China is concerned that putting weapons in space would constrain its civilian and commercial space activities. China sees itself as a de- veloping economic space power, dependent on free access to space for financial gain. However, U.S. driven space weaponization directly threatens this access.


China is freaked out by US Space militarization

Zhang 06 (Hui, Senior Research Associate, Project on Managing the Atom, "Space Weaponization and Space Security: A Chinese Perspective"

Journal Article, China Security, volume 2, issue 1, pages 24-36)

In particular, China is concerned that the U.S. missile defense network will undercut China’s strategic nuclear deterrent. Even a limited missile defense system could neutralize China’s fewer than two dozen single-warhead ICBMs that are capable of reaching the United States. China is even more concerned about space-based BMD systems that would be far more dangerous to China’s nuclear deterrent than a non-space-based BMD system. In addition, Beijing is worried that the deployment of missile defense systems would further promote a preemptive U.S. military strategy.

As viewed by Chinese leaders, China’s own small strategic nuclear arsenal appears to be a plausible target for U.S. missile defenses.10 China fears that the BMD network would give the United States more freedom and power to inter- vene in its affairs, including undermining the country’s efforts at reunification with Taiwan. Moreover, China is concerned that putting weapons in space would constrain its civilian and commercial space activities. China sees itself as a de- veloping economic space power, dependent on free access to space for financial gain. However, U.S. driven space weaponization directly threatens this access.
China perceives militarization as an attempt toward weaponization

Zhang 11 (Hui, Senior Research Associate, Project on Managing the Atom, University of California Press, “The Security Dilemma in the U.S.-China Military Space Relationship

The Prospects for Arms Control,” http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/10.1525/AS.2011.51.2.311.pdf?acceptTC=true)

One particular concern for the Chinese military is that the U.S. may no longer be content with merely militarizing space, which involves extensive use of satellites for military operations. Instead, weaponization of space is on the agenda. The PLA now believes that the U.S. is on the verge of important breakthroughs in the development of weapons for space war. As one study claims: “Currently, the U.S. military already possesses or will soon possess ASAT technologies with real combat capabilities, such as aircraft-launched ASAT missiles, land-based laser ASAT weapons, and space-based energy ASAT weapons.”21 Moreover, the PLA suggests that the U.S. is trying to acquire space-based weapons to attack targets on earth:

The U.S. military is developing orbital bombers, which fly on low altitude orbits, and when given combat orders, will re-enter the atmosphere and attack ground targets. This kind of weapon has high accuracy and stealth capability, and is able to launch sudden strikes. These capabilities make it impossible for enemies to defend against. Orbital bombers thus can strike at any target any- where on the planet. It is the major means for the U.S. military to perform global combat in the 21st century.22
China perceives US space program as an attempt for total dominance and will respond to it

Zhang 11 (Hui, Senior Research Associate, Project on Managing the Atom, University of California Press, “The Security Dilemma in the U.S.-China Military Space Relationship

The Prospects for Arms Control,” http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/10.1525/AS.2011.51.2.311.pdf?acceptTC=true)

Although many U.S. experts are correct in emphasizing the importance of space war in China’s asymmetric strategy to counter U.S. conventional ad- vantages, this article suggests that China’s military space agenda is also driven by the security dilemma between the two countries. China is pursuing mili- tary capabilities in space to counter perceived national security threats posed by the U.S. quest for space dominance and missile defense that could neu- tralize China’s nuclear deterrence.

In both cases, Chinese security experts believe that the U.S. seeks “abso- lute security” in order to maximize protection for the American population from external threats.9 This means that China at least recognizes the defen- sive motivations behind the U.S. quest for space dominance and missile defense. However, with the chaotic nature of international relations, one country’s efforts to maximize its security could degrade the security of others by changing the balance of power. Inevitably, the U.S. quest for “absolute security” evokes countermeasures from other countries. As Kenneth Waltz observes, when a great power seeks superiority, others will respond in kind, since “maintaining status quo is the minimum goal of any great power.”10

According to Robert Jervis, “The heart of the security dilemma argument is that an increase in one state’s security can make others less secure, not because of misperceptions or imagined hostility, but because of the anarchic context of international relations.” In this context, “Even if they can be cer- tain that the current intentions of other states are benign, they can neither neglect the possibility that the others will become aggressive in the future nor credibly guarantee that they themselves will remain peaceful.”11 Inevita- bly, when one state seeks to expand its military capability, others have to take similar measures.


China reacts to US space domination

China Daily 05 (Daily Chinese Newspaper, “China ready to counter US space plans,” updated 2005-05-23, http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/english/doc/2005-05/23/content_444886.htm)

China takes U.S. plans to boost its space military capabilities very seriously and is likely to respond with energetic counter-measures of her own, a leading expert on the Chinese space program told United Press International. 

Chinese experts and leaders fear if the United States achieves absolute military and strategic superiority in space it could be used to intervene in China's affairs, such as the Taiwan issue, Hui Zhang, an expert on space weaponization and China's nuclear policy at the John F, Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University told UPI. 

He was discussing issues he had presented earlier this week in a paper to a conference on space weaponization at Airlie, Va., organized by the Washington-based Nuclear Policy Research Institute. 

Chinese leaders have noted that the Taiwan issue was included as a hypothetical threat in the 2001 Rumsfeld Commission report on space weaponization. Also, in a January 2001 U.S. war-gaming exercise China was taken as an assumed enemy, Zhang said. 

Hu Xiaodi, China's veteran senior negotiator on space weaponization, expressed Beijing's fears at a Committee on Peace and Disarmament panel on October 11, 2001. 

"It is rather the attempt toward the domination of outer space, which is expected to serve to turn the absolute security and perpetual authority (many people call this hegemony) of one country on earth," he said. "The unilateralism and exceptionalism that are on the rise in recent months also mutually reinforce this." Chinese strategists believe that U.S. missile-defense plans pose a great threat to China's national security, Zhang said. They believe such defenses could be used to neutralize China's nuclear deterrent and give the United States more freedom to encroach on China's sovereignty, including on Taiwan-related issues, he said.


China opposed to US Space aggression

Gargaz 10 (Michale Luke, Major, United States Air Force, A research Report Submitted to the Faculty of the Air Command and Staff College Air University, “We’ve Rattled Our Sabers…Now What?” pdf)

Other aggressive space rhetoric appeared in the 2003 US Air Force Transformational Flight Plan which included “Hypervelocity Rod Bundles” (a.k.a. rods from God) as a key long-term program5 and 2004’s Air Force Doctrine Document 2-2.1 which officially codified Counterspace Operations as a warfighting mission area.6 Recently, the US continued the aggressive, unilateral rhetoric when it published its 2006 National Space Policy which again repeated that the US would dissuade, deter, defend, and deny, if necessary, to protect its space capabilities.7 Though the US has traditionally advocated “peaceful uses of space”, the aforementioned types of rhetoric coupled with its preemptive war against Iraq and its refusal to sign space arms control treaties in order to keep “all options on the table” has caused the international community to view the US as a “bad actor bent of preemptive and hegemonic use of space power for its own purposes.”8 China’s behavior and rhetoric during this time period indicate that they share this “bad actor” view of the US in regards to space.




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