Shaukina's father a loan in return for a promise of 30 kilos of opium, never imagining that both their fields would be eradicated before harvest. That's how Enaghul's son married Shaukina. But with the opium ban, Enaghul says his family is barely surviving. They make less than $2 a day growing tomatoes and potatoes. Enaghul casts an appraising eye on his youngest daughter, Sharifa, 5, as she runs after a goat in the courtyard of their mud-and-brick home. "I think she would fetch between $500 and $600," he says. With luck, he says, he might be able to postpone the wedding five or six years. Some Western officials promise the hard times won't last much longer. Loren Stoddard, Afghanistan director for the U.S. Agency for International Development, says crop-substitution programs are already yielding results. As many as 40,000 farming families in Nangarhar are receiving some kind of compensation for the loss of opium revenues, he says, and USAID has financed the planting of 1.3 million fruit, nut and other trees in the province since 2006, with plans for an additional 300,000 this year. There's even a new mill producing 30 tons of chicken feed a day. "Good things are happening here," Stoddard says. "I think Nangarhar will take off in the next two years." Many farmers doubt they can hold out that long. Kachkol Khan looks around his single acre of wheat in Pa Khel village and asks how he will feed his family of seven. "What we earn from this wheat won't feed us for one month," he says. Six months ago he gave the hand of his 13-year-old daughter, Bibi Gula, to settle an opium debt of $700, with roughly $1,500 cash thrown in. That's what they're living on now. At least his creditor agreed to let Gula stay home until she turns 15. "I'm not happy with what I did," Khan says. "Every daughter has ambitions to marry with dignity. I fear she'll be treated as a second-class wife and as a maid." Even worse is his worry that the same future may await his two younger daughters, 11 and 10. Angiza Afridi, 28, has spent much of the past year interviewing more than 100 families about opium weddings in two of Nangarhar's 22 districts. The schoolteacher and local TV reporter already had firsthand knowledge of the tragedy. Five years ago one of her younger aunts, then 16, was forced to marry a 55-year-old man to pay off an older uncle's opium debt, and three years ago an 8-year-old cousin was also given in marriage to make good on a drug loan. "This practice of marrying daughters to cover debts is becoming a bad habit," says Afridi. Even so, the results of her survey shocked her. In the two districts she studied, approximately half the new brides had been given in marriage to repay opium debts. The new brides included children as young as 5 years old; until they're old enough to consummate their marriages, they mostly work as household servants for their in-laws. "These poor girls have no future," she says. The worst of it may be the suicides. Afridi learned of one 15-year-old opium bride who poisoned herself on her wedding day late last year and an 11-year-old who took a fatal dose of opium around the same time. Her new in-laws were refusing to let her visit her parents. Gul Ghoti is on her first visit home since her wedding six months ago. She says it's a relief to be back with her father and mother in their two-room mud-and-brick house, if only temporarily. "My heart is still with my parents, brothers and sisters," she says. "Only my body is with my husband's family." She says she personally knows of two opium brides who killed themselves. "One of the girls had been badly beaten by her husband's brother, the other by her husband," she says. Ghoti says she's considered suicide, too, but Islam stopped her. "I pray that God doesn't give me a daughter if she ends up like me."
Child brides face abuse Najibullah 8 (Farangis, Spero News, Jan 6 2008, http://www.speroforum.com/site/article.asp?id=13404)IM
UNICEF says child marriages are a reaction to extreme poverty. They mainly take place in Asian and African regions where poor families see daughters as a burden and as second-class citizens. The girls are given into the "care" of a husband, and many of them end up brutally abused. Moreover, they are often under pressure to bear children, but the risk of death during pregnancy or childbirth for girls under 14 is five times higher than for adult women. According to UNICEF, 57 percent of Afghan marriages involve girls under 16. Women's activists say up to 80 percent of marriages in the country are either forced or arranged. And the problem is particularly acute in poverty-stricken rural areas. In such places, many girls are forced into marriages when they are as young as nine or 10, says Khatema Mosleh of the Afghan Women's Network (AWN), a nonpartisan group of organizations that campaign for women's rights in Afghanistan. Most marry far older men -- some in their 60s -- whom they meet for the first time at their wedding.
Opium Brides 1AC
3. The abuse of these girls causes patriarchy and maintains a society of male dominance Starita 8 (Laura, Philanthropy Action, Apr. 7, 2008, http://www.philanthropyaction.com/nc/grim_news_from_afghanistan)IM
Discourse is the term of power relations. It is comprehensive and different. For instance, Gender matter is promoting the justice to the unbalance. Hence, Resistance can occur everywhere. Foucault analyzes new society as a term of various and inflexible Society. “Although the subject….is socially constructed in discursive practices, she none the less exists as a thinking, feeling and social subject and agent, capable of resistance and innovations produced out of the clash between contradictory subject positions and practices” (Weedon,1987) Social discourse in Thai society, and in global society, expects a woman to be faithful wife, a good mother and to respect her husband. This expectation allows men to get away with the abuse of women, particularly in poverty-stricken areas. Violence is another realm where we are reminded of the narrowness of the scope of “social norms” and social theory by those whom the norms of civil order, of “civilization” have dramatically failed to protect: abused children, the sexually deviant and women who are kept in their place by physical force (Caroline Ramazanoglu,1993) leading to repeated domestic violence. Intimate violence, as part of a system of coercive controls, is a controlling behavior that serves to create and maintain male dominance and an imbalance of power between husband and wife. (Juanita M. Firestone, 2003)
4. Patriarchy is the root cause of war Workman 96 (Thom, Poli Sci @ U of New Brunswick, YCISS Paper no. 31, p. 7, January 1996, http://www.yorku.ca/yciss/publications/OP31-Workman.pdf)IM
On the other side of the war ledger is the flight from the feminine. War is premised upon the understanding that the feminine is the enemy of the warring essence. It is imperative to emphasize that war is not neglectful with respect to woman, or that it is merely non-inclusive, hesitant, or reluctant. Rather, war is axiomatically bound up with the fear of the feminine. The ideology of war involves the presupposition that womanliness is antithetical to war, that it will undermine the warring ethic. Warfare presupposes that woman is the enemy of man's crowning practice. It identifies the feminine as the castrating enemy of the manly/war scheme. Any suggestion of gravitation towards the feminine is equated with the decay of masculine resolve. The flight from the feminine entails the simultaneous denial and appropriation of the things women do. Labels such as heroism, bravery, and sacrifice, for example, are reserved for war; the attendant pain and loss of life in childbirth is socially repressed.15 There is no equivalent effort to commemorate or celebrate the bringing forth of life. In fact, childbirth has been epidemiologized over the last century, while gestation and birth imagery has been appropriated by weapons designers. Birthing does not have the recollective equivalent of war. At best, the womb is enlisted to further the war project, that is, to insure future soldiering generations. Womanliness is domesticated, in a sense, to ensure that it does not undermine war. Men's killing is acclaimed typically in terms of its "protective" function, that is, as protectors of the home and the hearth.16 Men are cast, in the end, as the most important caretakers.