Atlanta Urban Debate League Capitalism Kritik


Affirmative Responses to the Kritik



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Affirmative Responses to the Kritik

1st— Framework—Framework is an argument that helps the judge establish which impacts matter and why. It’s asking the judge to consider how he/she thinks about the world to make a decision. The affirmative will say the judge should be a policymaker and only consider policy options when determining what is the best course of action. The negative will counter with their own framework argument that says the judge should be an ethical evaluator, and that ethical/moral concerns outweighs the potential benefits of the policy introduced in the 1AC.


2nd—Permutation— A permutation (perm) is an affirmative strategy that explains the plan and the alternative can be done in combination with one another. For example, the affirmative team would say we can do the plan and re-think how capitalism leads to threat-construction and violence. The negative would argue that the perm either still links to the kritik because it includes the U.S. government and endorses capitalism. Or in order to do both (do the plan & accept the kritik) it must sever out of parts of the 1AC. Severance is a debate theory argument that says if the affirmative is allowed to remove arguments it makes during the 1AC, the case is unpredictable (a moving target) that no negative team could win because the they could never get links to any arguments if the affirmative case is constantly changing throughout the debate.
3rd – Defend your case—Affirmatives can say capitalism is good. The affirmative team can says that capitalism is key to solving a variety of impacts, including the environment, conflicts, and wars.
4th – Aff teams should make the argument that the Kritik’s alternative does not solve the affirmative. Because the alternative rejects the notion of legislative action that means the plan should not be passed. If the plan is not passed then the advantages are never solved. If that happens then those advantages becomes disadvantages to the Kritik since the Kritik would prevent the plan from happening.

Note to Coaches & Debaters


Some coaches maybe aware of various theory arguments that can be run against the kritik. At this time we are not prepared to widely distribute those theory arguments to the entire league. Please limit arguments and strategies to the ones listed in the packet. Moving forward we may add these strategies to kritiks released in future seasons.
Thus the only theory arguments that can be run by the affirmative teams are:
Framework
Severance


Capitalism-K NEG

***1NC 1/3***


A. Link—Economic engagement creates a form of control over developing governments

Mansfield & Browne 09’Economic Interdependence and International Conflict: New Perspectives on an Enduring Debate, Edward D. Mansfield is Hum Rosen Professor of Political Science and Co-Director of the Christopher H. Browne Center for International Politics at the University of Pennsylvania. Brian M. Pollins is Associate Professor of Political Science at Ohio State University and a Research Fellow at the Mershon Center. PG 180
Along those lines, the recent literature has served a second important purpose—to clarify the underlying logic of economic-engagement strategy and to point to some of the likely determinants of success or failure. In a striking convergence, virtually all of the recent studies highlight the linkages between domestic politics and foreign policy strategy as the key factors driving the potential effectiveness of economic engagement.

The basic causal logic of economic engagement, and the emphasis on domestic politics, can be traced to Hirschman. He viewed economic engagement as a long-term, transformative strategy. As one state gradually expands economic interaction with its target, the resulting (asymmetrical) interdependence creates vested interests within the target society and government. The beneficiaries of interdependence become addicted to it, and they protect their interests by pressuring the government to accommodate the source of interdependence. Economic engagement is a form of structural linkage; it is a means to get other states to want what you want, rather than to do what you want. The causal chain runs from economic interdependence through domestic political change to foreign policy accommodation.




***1NC 2/3***


B. Impact— Capitalism is the root cause of violence and causes wars

Vattimo and Zabala 11 Gianni Vattimo, emeritus professor of philosophy at the University of Turin and a member of the European Parliament, and Santiago Zabala, ICREA Research Professor of Philosophy at the Pompue Fabra University, Hermeneutic Communism, Columbia: New York, NY (2011), pg 47-54
Although reports from many other states also warn of a future rife with wars (over water, immigration, and infectious diseases),19 the fact that "absolute poverty" and "comparative disadvantage" are now also considered threats for the security of framed democracies inevitably poses "other" alarms than the ones indicated by Fukuyama and Kagan. As we can see, the coming threats are not limited to Russia, China, and India, which, as Kagan explains, have become "responsible shareholders," but rather come from everyone who is not part of framed democracy's neoliberal capitalism. This is why we do not believe the next wars will primarily be against other states20 but rather against those "useless shareholders," who, for the most part, are the weak, poor, and oppressed citizens, as highlighted in the defense reports. As we argue, the weak do not possess a different history but rather exist at history's margins; that is, they represent the discharge of capitalism and are present not only in the Third World but also in the slums of Western metropolises. These slums are not only becoming larger as we write but also are where the majority of the population is forced to live because of the concentration of capital. While in the West the slums are becoming battlegrounds, in some South American states, as we will see in chapter 4, they have become territories for social improvement through communist initiatives. In sum, the conflicts of the twenty-first century will not be caused by the return of history, as Fukuyama and Kagan predict, but rather by its own ends: liberal states.

The fact that framed democracy is already preparing to fight and win such urban wars indicates how within our democratic system change is almost impossible and also how the oppressive effects of capitalism are predicted to increase. As Meiksins Wood explained, whether "national or global, [capitalism] is driven by a certain systemic imperatives, the imperatives of competition, profit-maximization and accumulation, which inevitably require putting 'exchange-value' before 'use-value' and profit before people."21 These are systemic imperatives of dominion, supremacy, and control over others, and they result in such metaphysical systems as liberalism, where the power of the individual becomes the only substance. Our goal in this chapter is to demonstrate how framed democracy's liberal, financial, and security measures regulate one another in order both to conserve our current "lack of emergencies" and to impose necessary emergencies.

If the democracies' chief priority is to conserve what Heidegger called the "lack of emergencies," that is, the neutrality achieved through science's liberal essence, modern states still have an essential function, contrary to the opinion of many contemporary thinkers.22 This function is not limited to the historical, racial, or linguistic identification of a state's citizens but extends to other states: "liberal states" are also "liberating states"; that is, they liberate other states from undemocratic regimes. The recent imposed liberalization of Iraq and Afghanistan (also called "state building") occurred under the orders of other liberal states and as a consequence of the essence of liberalism. It is also in the name of this essence that democracy is imposed today as the best system of government even when it becomes corrupt. As we mentioned in the previous chapter, the "liberal essence" of science consists in its ideal of objectivity, that is, establishing "truth" or "freedom" as only what legally enters within the established, recognized, and framed democratic order.



It must be for these reasons that Carl Schmitt viewed "liberalism as a coherent, all-embracing, metaphysical system"23 and that Heidegger viewed it as another product, with fascism, capitalism, and communism, of subjectivist metaphysics.24 This is why within metaphysically framed democracies liberalism avoids change: while democratic elections are procedures for possible change, liberalism is the realm within which such change presents itself through elections, finance, and institutions. Liberal electoral results represent humanity's unconditional self-legislation, in other words, the focus on "the I"25 from which stems liberalism. But this vision from a pure "I," according to Heidegger, is impossible to achieve, because there are no experiences that ever set man beyond himself into an unentered domain from within which man as he is up to now could become questionable. That is—namely, that self-security—that innermost essence of "liberalism," which precisely for this rea-son has the appearance of being able to freely unfold and to sub-scribe to progress for all eternity. . . . Thus, it now took only a few years for "science" to realize that its "liberal" essence and its "ideal of objectivity" are not only compatible with the political-national "orientation" but also indispensable to it. And hence "science" as well as "worldview" must now unanimously agree that the talk of a "crisis" of science was actually only a prattle.26



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