Bauschard Debate 9/25/15 5: 06 pm refugees Pre-Release
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- Racist backlash against refuges in Europe
- Massive racist backlash against immigrants and refugees in Germany
- Refugees could be terrorists
- European Politics Links
- No political support in Europe for an effective solution
- Whatever party is more anti-immigrant will do better in the election
- Attacking refugees has strengthened Orban politically
- Anti-refugees sentiment on Slovakia politically popular
- States’ rights to control admission of non-citizens protected by sovereignty
- No international conventions define asylum and it is up to states to apply it
- States are not obligated to left refugees resettle locally
- States are obliged to provide assistance to refugees
- African, Latin American, and European conventions and laws all prohibit the return of refugees and call for protections
- Canada will not take more refugees
- Canada could bring in 50,000 more this year and 100,000 more next year
- A robust, multilateral immigration mechanism needs to be developed
DisadvantagesSocial Services GoodRefugees will overwhelm Europe’s social service infrastructureScott Greer, September 24, 2015, Daily Caller, Illegal Immigrants Don’t Follow the Pope’s Golden Rule, http://dailycaller.com/2015/09/24/illegal-migrants-dont-follow-the-popes-golden-rule/ DOA: 9-25-15 While many of these immigrants came to Europe for employment, the struggling economies of the continent offers few opportunities for low-skilled migrants, and the new arrivals imperil existing social infrastructures. The lion’s share of camp dwellers, if allowed to stay, would go straight on government assistance — like most asylum seekers already living in the West. Out of the refugees residing in America, 91 percent of them are on some form of government assistance. And that’s no no meager cost for taxpayers to bear. Germany is set to take in 800,000 migrants this year. The average cost for taking in each individual migrant is estimated to be $14,500. That’s an $11.6 billion dollar bill foisted onto German taxpayers. Along with the large costs to taxpayers and lack of economic feasibility in accepting these migrants, they also bring crime and terror elements. Some of the high profile cases involving these migrants include an elderly couple brutally murdered in Sicily, a woman beheaded in a Swedish IKEA store and a seven-year-old girl raped in Germany.
BacklashRacist backlash against refuges in EuropeDaniel Blei, 9-4-15, historian, Foreign Policy, The Banality of History, http://foreignpolicy.com/2015/09/04/the-banality-of-history-germany-migrants-neo-nazis/ DOA: 9-22-15 In June, a map surfaced on the Internet, displaying the address of every refugee center and asylum shelter in Germany under the title “No Refugee Center in My Backyard.” Google took down the map, but only after a spate of violence, including the torching of an empty shelter in the Bavarian town of Reichertshofen. On a Berlin commuter train 10 days ago, neo-Nazis shouted “Heil Hitler” while urinating on two children traveling with their mother. The previous weekend in Heidenau, a town of 16,000 in the hills south of Dresden, German police battled hundreds of men hurtling stones and bottles outside an asylum shelter. In the medieval city of Meissen, famous for its porcelain, neo-Nazi arsonists struck an apartment building, newly renovated by the city to house refugees. Last week, on the western outskirts of Berlin, in Nauen in Brandenburg, arsonists burned a refugee center to the ground. On Friday, in Heppenheim near Frankfurt, a refugee shelter caught fire, leaving five people injured. In Witten, a university town in North Rhine-Westphalia, a mosque was set ablaze, the latest in a series of arson attacks on mosques. On Aug. 10, Heinrich Schmitz, a columnist for the online magazine The European and a member of the initiative #HeimeOhneHass, or “Homes Without Hate,” which supports refugees and asylum-seekers, published a “Declaration of Surrender,” announcing his retirement from political writing, facing a barrage of threats against him and his family. All of Europe is facing a refugee crisis, but only in Germany, which has one of the continent’s most hospitable policies for refugees and asylum-seekers, does right-wing violence feel like an existential threat. The spate of attacks and bubbling up of hatred have prompted national soul-searching, raising questions about the nation and national belonging that haven’t come up since the 1990s, in reunification’s wake. Some Germans are stepping up to help tens of thousands of refugees entering the country, invoking a moral obligation to act. But xenophobic violence continues, and some see in asylum-seekers a socioeconomic threat. A national debate has emerged: Are we fremdenfeindlich (xenophobic) or fremdenfreundlich (foreigner-friendly)? Massive racist backlash against immigrants and refugees in GermanyDaniel Blei, 9-4-15, Foreign Policy, The Banality of History, http://foreignpolicy.com/2015/09/04/the-banality-of-history-germany-migrants-neo-nazis/ DOA: 9-6-15 Blei is a historian and editor of scholarly books In June, a map surfaced on the Internet, displaying the address of every refugee center and asylum shelter in Germany under the title “No Refugee Center in My Backyard.” Google took down the map, but only after a spate of violence, including the torching of an empty shelter in the Bavarian town of Reichertshofen. On a Berlin commuter train 10 days ago, neo-Nazis shouted “Heil Hitler” while urinating on two children traveling with their mother. The previous weekend in Heidenau, a town of 16,000 in the hills south of Dresden, German police battled hundreds of men hurtling stones and bottles outside an asylum shelter. In the medieval city of Meissen, famous for its porcelain, neo-Nazi arsonists struck an apartment building, newly renovated by the city to house refugees. Last week, on the western outskirts of Berlin, in Nauen in Brandenburg, arsonists burned a refugee center to the ground. On Friday, in Heppenheim near Frankfurt, a refugee shelter caught fire, leaving five people injured. In Witten, a university town in North Rhine-Westphalia, a mosque was set ablaze, the latest in a series of arson attacks on mosques. On Aug. 10, Heinrich Schmitz, a columnist for the online magazine The European and a member of the initiative #HeimeOhneHass, or “Homes Without Hate,” which supports refugees and asylum-seekers, published a “Declaration of Surrender,” announcing his retirement from political writing, facing a barrage of threats against him and his family. All of Europe is facing a refugee crisis, but only in Germany, which has one of the continent’s most hospitable policies for refugees and asylum-seekers, does right-wing violence feel like an existential threat. The spate of attacks and bubbling up of hatred have prompted national soul-searching, raising questions about the nation and national belonging that haven’t come up since the 1990s, in reunification’s wake. Some Germans are stepping up to help tens of thousands of refugees entering the country, invoking a moral obligation to act. But xenophobic violence continues, and some see in asylum-seekers a socioeconomic threat. A national debate has emerged: Are we fremdenfeindlich (xenophobic) or fremdenfreundlich (foreigner-friendly)? TerrorismRefugees could be terroristsAssociated Press, 9-21-15, Kerry says US will take in 85,000 refugees next year; 100,000 in ’17, http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2015/09/21/kerry-says-us-will-take-85000-refugees-next-year-100000-in-17/ DOA: 9-22-15 U.S. lawmakers immediately expressed concerns about the potential influx. The Islamic State group (ISIS) and other terrorist organizations "have made it abundantly clear that they will use the refugee crisis to try to enter the United States. Now the Obama administration wants to bring in an additional 10,000 Syrians without a concrete and foolproof plan to ensure that terrorists won't be able to enter the country," said U.S. Sen. Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, and U.S. Rep. Bob Goodlatte, R-Va. "The administration has essentially given the American people a 'trust me.' That isn't good enough," according to a statement from the lawmakers, who head the congressional judiciary committees.
Taking more refugees risks unseating liberal European politiciansRobert Kuttner is co-editor of The American Prospect and a visiting professor at Brandeis University's Heller School. His latest book is Debtors' Prison: The Politics of Austerity Versus Possibility, Co-founder and co-edittor, American Prospect, September 9, 2015, Huffington Post, Refugee Blues, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/robert-kuttner/post_10092_b_8097064.html DOA: 9-22-15 High unemployment in the prolonged aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis only increased local resistance. Really bad austerity policy has made an immigration crisis into a political catastrophe. Germany's stance on the refugees is relatively liberal, but its relentless pursuit of austerity has made the crisis worse. This rightwing nativist upsurge has undermined social democratic politics in Europe's most tolerant and advanced societies. Large numbers of local working class voters, frightened of unemployment, have turned to nationalist parties -- fragmenting parliamentary systems and making it impossible for social democrat or labor parties to lead stable majority governments. Rightwing populist parties have been surging in the most progressive nations of Europe. In Denmark, Norway and Finland, where center-right coalitions now govern, the rightwing anti-immigrant parties are now the second largest. Unlike some other populist parties, the Danish variant is strongly pro-welfare state. It just thinks the welfare state should be reserved for Danes. This puts Danish Social Democrats in a quandary. They are losing working class voters to the People's Party, and my interviews with party leaders suggest that Social Democrats are split down the middle. Some want to ostracize the populists as unacceptable toxic. Others look at the relentless parliamentary arithmetic, and conclude that their only chance of returning to power is some kind of alliance with the People's Party on issues where they agree. For now the People's Party is supporting the center-right government, which is more anti-immigrant than the Social Democrats. Elsewhere in Europe, center-left leaders are hiding. Traditionally, as humanists, they are pro-immigrant and pro-refugee. But in practice, they are losing their working class base to racists. And there are only so many people that a small nation can admit. This reality makes the stance of the Swedish government all the more ennobling. Sometimes, leadership is about appealing to the best in people. Without that leadership, racists succeed in appealing to the worst.
The growing numbers of migrants and asylum seekers fleeing turmoil in Africa and the Middle East poses complex challenges for European policymakers still grappling with weak economic growth and fractured national politics. Europe, according to a 2014 report from the International Organization for Migration, is currently the most dangerous destination for irregular migration in the world, and the Mediterranean Sea the world’s most dangerous border crossing. To date, the European Union's collective response to its growing migrant crisis has been ad hoc and, critics charge, more focused on securing the bloc's borders than on protecting the rights of migrants and refugees. With nationalist parties ascendant in many member states and concerns about Islamic terrorism looming large across the continent, it remains unclear if political headwinds will facilitate a new climate of immigration reform. Czech Politics LinksWhatever party is more anti-immigrant will do better in the electionMartin Ehl is a journalist for Hospodářské noviny, a Czech daily, September 25, 2015, Understanding Central Europe’s Opposition to Refugees, http://carnegieeurope.eu/strategiceurope/?fa=61404 DOA: 9-25-15 The official position of the Czech government is that a quota system to redistribute refugees within the EU will not work because the Czech Republic is not a country in which refugees would like to stay so they will leave for Germany. As consequence, Germany would then seal its border with the Czech Republic anyway. There is also a supporting argument that the quota system as a permanent mechanism that would allow the European Commission to distribute refugees according to certain economic indicators, would be breach of national sovereignty. The problem for Czech politicians is their inability to explain these arguments to their partners in Europe. To a big extent, this is caused by politicians’ lack of knowledge about how EU politics work and their poor language skills. (This has become an issue. During a meeting of EU interior ministers on September 22, Milan Chovanec, the Czech interior minister, was sitting alone when the others chatted because he is not able to speak any language but Czech.) Furthermore, the Czech government hasn’t put on the table any alternative plan for dealing with the refugees. On this topic, there is unique unity among the relevant political parties in Prague. Nobody wants to allow foreigners in, and the issue is starting to become a kind of political game: whichever party does the most to refuse the refugees will win the country’s next parliamentary election, due in 2017. There is also a general feeling in Czech society that citizens should fear anything connected to Islam. That sentiment is driven by populist politicians, led by President Miloš Zeman. Attacking refugees has strengthened Orban politicallyLászló Kontler is a professor of history and pro-rector at the Central European University in Budapest, September 25, 2015, Understanding Central Europe’s Opposition to Refugees, http://carnegieeurope.eu/strategiceurope/?fa=61404 DOA: 9-25-15 There can be no denying the fact that the Hungarian government was under an obligation to deal with the influx of migrants in conformity with the relevant EU regulations. However, Budapest made very little (if any) effort to facilitate this process. It has done a great deal to turn the images of crowds of indigent and aggressive foreigners swarming the country’s public spaces—pictures already conjured up in the government’s propaganda before the real outbreak of the crisis—into a self-fulfilling prophecy. The crisis has also brought to surface another Hungary: that of civic organizations with activists and volunteers. Contrary to representations by government spokespersons and government-friendly media, these are not starry-eyed liberal idealists who are simply trying to soothe their consciences while blind to the possible risks and threats posed by the migration phenomenon. They are individuals motivated by compassion and solidarity who regularly participate in other forms of humanitarian help and who have prevented the refugee crisis from becoming a humanitarian catastrophe. At the same time, the Hungarian government’s strategy has so far worked. The majority of its targets—sympathizers lost to the Far Right—seem to have been reconquered, and after a decline in the fall and winter of 2014–2015, the popularity of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his conservative Fidesz party has climbed back to where it had been before. Anti-refugees sentiment on Slovakia politically popularAndrea Bilá is a project manager for the fight against discrimination, racism, and xenophobia at the Open Society Foundation in Bratislava, September 25, 2015, Understanding Central Europe’s Opposition to Refugees, http://carnegieeurope.eu/strategiceurope/?fa=61404 DOA: 9-25-15 The reasons for the Slovak government’s stance toward the refugee crisis are mostly political. In the context of Slovakia’s upcoming parliamentary election, due by March 2016, and of significantly radicalized Slovak public opinion, the ruling center-left Smer-SD party seems to consider any condemnation of xenophobia or Islamophobia politically risky, as it could be perceived as a de facto concession to the EU’s common migration policy. In June 2015, 6,000 people took to the streets of Bratislava for a rally against national quotas for migrants. In a country where discontent seldom takes the form of street protest, this is of some significance. Indeed, refugees have become the most debated topic and one of the major worries for the Slovak population. And no wonder. Economically underprivileged people living in the southern and eastern regions of Slovakia, who already feel abandoned by the central government, perceive refugees as an economic and security threat. There are voices that oppose the government’s line. After 71 refugees were found dead in a truck close to the Slovak-Austrian border in August, several public personalities including Slovak President Andrej Kiska launched an initiative called Plea for Humanity, urging the government to draft an action plan for the crisis. But it now seems clear that the Slovak government is using its populist and simplistic rhetoric, which consists of labeling the refugees at times as potential terrorists, at times as economic migrants, to manipulate public opinion. Instead of presenting the quota system as a temporary solution, which would certainly lead to growing support for nationalists and radicals, Bratislava uses the momentum created by this issue to flex its muscles in Brussels and thus build its political capital. In the meantime, issues like corruption scandals, economic discontent, and public frustration with the political establishment, which made front-page news only weeks ago, are slowly sinking into oblivion. SovereigntyStates’ rights to control admission of non-citizens protected by sovereigntyGuy S. Goodwin-Gill, August 2014, Professor Guy S. Goodwin Gill was formerly Professor of Asylum Law at the University of Amsterdam, served as a Legal Adviser in the Office of United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) from 1976-1988, and was President of the Media Appeals Board of Kosovo from 2000-2003. He is the Founding Editor of the International Journal of Refugee Law and has written extensively on refugees, migration, international organizations, elections, democratization, and child soldiers. Recent publications include The Limits of Transnational Law, (CUP 2010), with Hélène Lambert, eds., The Refugee in International Law, (OUP, 2007), 3rd edn. with Jane McAdam; Free and Fair Elections, (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2nd edn., 2006); Brownlie’s Documents on Human Rights, (OUP, 2010), 6th edn., with the late Sir Ian Brownlie, QC, eds; and introductory notes to various treaties and instruments on refugees, statelessness and asylum for the ‘Historic Archives’ section of the UN Audio-Visual Library of International Law. He practises as a Barrister from Blackstone Chambers, London, The International Handbook of Refugee Protection http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199652433.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780199652433-e-021 DOA: 9-25-15
Guy S. Goodwin-Gill, August 2014, Professor Guy S. Goodwin Gill was formerly Professor of Asylum Law at the University of Amsterdam, served as a Legal Adviser in the Office of United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) from 1976-1988, and was President of the Media Appeals Board of Kosovo from 2000-2003. He is the Founding Editor of the International Journal of Refugee Law and has written extensively on refugees, migration, international organizations, elections, democratization, and child soldiers. Recent publications include The Limits of Transnational Law, (CUP 2010), with Hélène Lambert, eds., The Refugee in International Law, (OUP, 2007), 3rd edn. with Jane McAdam; Free and Fair Elections, (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2nd edn., 2006); Brownlie’s Documents on Human Rights, (OUP, 2010), 6th edn., with the late Sir Ian Brownlie, QC, eds; and introductory notes to various treaties and instruments on refugees, statelessness and asylum for the ‘Historic Archives’ section of the UN Audio-Visual Library of International Law. He practises as a Barrister from Blackstone Chambers, London, The International Handbook of Refugee Protection http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199652433.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780199652433-e-021 DOA: 9-25-15 No international instrument defines ‘asylum’. Article 14 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights simply says that ‘Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution.’ Article 1 of the 1967 UN Declaration on Territorial Asylum notes that ‘Asylum granted by a State, in the exercise of its sovereignty, to persons entitled to invoke Article 14 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights...shall be respected by all other States.’ But it is for ‘the State granting asylum to evaluate the grounds for the grant of asylum’ (Goodwin-Gill 2012). Neither instrument creates any binding obligations for states. Indeed, both texts suggest a considerable margin of appreciation with respect to who is granted asylum and what exactly this means. In practice, however, states’ freedom of action is significantly influenced by ‘external’ constraints, which follow from an internationally recognized refugee definition, the application of the principle of non-refoulement, and the overall impact of human rights law. Regional instruments and doctrine have also had an important impact on the ‘asylum question’. Again, the 1969 OAU Convention was among the first to give a measure of normative content to the discretionary competence of states to grant asylum (Article II).17 Within the EU, the 2000 Charter of Fundamental Rights declares expressly that ‘the right to asylum shall be guaranteed...’, and that no one may be removed to a state where he or she faces a serious risk of the death penalty, torture, or other inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment (Articles 18, 19). The Qualification Directive provides in turn that member states ‘shall grant’ refugee status to those who satisfy the relevant criteria (Article 13; see also Article 8 of the Temporary Protection Directive) (Gil-Bazo 2008).
Guy S. Goodwin-Gill, August 2014, Professor Guy S. Goodwin Gill was formerly Professor of Asylum Law at the University of Amsterdam, served as a Legal Adviser in the Office of United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) from 1976-1988, and was President of the Media Appeals Board of Kosovo from 2000-2003. He is the Founding Editor of the International Journal of Refugee Law and has written extensively on refugees, migration, international organizations, elections, democratization, and child soldiers. Recent publications include The Limits of Transnational Law, (CUP 2010), with Hélène Lambert, eds., The Refugee in International Law, (OUP, 2007), 3rd edn. with Jane McAdam; Free and Fair Elections, (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2nd edn., 2006); Brownlie’s Documents on Human Rights, (OUP, 2010), 6th edn., with the late Sir Ian Brownlie, QC, eds; and introductory notes to various treaties and instruments on refugees, statelessness and asylum for the ‘Historic Archives’ section of the UN Audio-Visual Library of International Law. He practises as a Barrister from Blackstone Chambers, London, The International Handbook of Refugee Protection http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199652433.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780199652433-e-021 DOA: 9-25-15
Guy S. Goodwin-Gill, August 2014, Professor Guy S. Goodwin Gill was formerly Professor of Asylum Law at the University of Amsterdam, served as a Legal Adviser in the Office of United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) from 1976-1988, and was President of the Media Appeals Board of Kosovo from 2000-2003. He is the Founding Editor of the International Journal of Refugee Law and has written extensively on refugees, migration, international organizations, elections, democratization, and child soldiers. Recent publications include The Limits of Transnational Law, (CUP 2010), with Hélène Lambert, eds., The Refugee in International Law, (OUP, 2007), 3rd edn. with Jane McAdam; Free and Fair Elections, (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2nd edn., 2006); Brownlie’s Documents on Human Rights, (OUP, 2010), 6th edn., with the late Sir Ian Brownlie, QC, eds; and introductory notes to various treaties and instruments on refugees, statelessness and asylum for the ‘Historic Archives’ section of the UN Audio-Visual Library of International Law. He practises as a Barrister from Blackstone Chambers, London, The International Handbook of Refugee Protection http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199652433.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780199652433-e-021 DOA: 9-25-15
Guy S. Goodwin-Gill, August 2014, Professor Guy S. Goodwin Gill was formerly Professor of Asylum Law at the University of Amsterdam, served as a Legal Adviser in the Office of United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) from 1976-1988, and was President of the Media Appeals Board of Kosovo from 2000-2003. He is the Founding Editor of the International Journal of Refugee Law and has written extensively on refugees, migration, international organizations, elections, democratization, and child soldiers. Recent publications include The Limits of Transnational Law, (CUP 2010), with Hélène Lambert, eds., The Refugee in International Law, (OUP, 2007), 3rd edn. with Jane McAdam; Free and Fair Elections, (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2nd edn., 2006); Brownlie’s Documents on Human Rights, (OUP, 2010), 6th edn., with the late Sir Ian Brownlie, QC, eds; and introductory notes to various treaties and instruments on refugees, statelessness and asylum for the ‘Historic Archives’ section of the UN Audio-Visual Library of International Law. He practises as a Barrister from Blackstone Chambers, London, The International Handbook of Refugee Protection http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199652433.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780199652433-e-021 DOA: 9-25-15 In addition to measures adopted at the universal level, the international legal protection of refugees and forced migrants benefits from regional arrangements and instruments which, in turn, may be refugee specific or oriented more generally to the protection of human rights. In 1969, the Organization of African Unity (now the African Union) adopted the Convention on the Specific Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa (Sharpe 2012).10 Article I(1) incorporates the 1951 Convention definition, but paragraph (2) adds an approach more immediately reflecting the social and political realities of contemporary refugee movements. Also to be accepted as refugees are those compelled to flee owing to external aggression, occupation, foreign domination, or events seriously disturbing public order. In 1984, 10 Central American States adopted a similar approach in the (non-binding) Cartagena Declaration,11 recognizing in addition flight from generalized violence, internal conflicts, and massive violation of human rights. Two years later, in the extradition case of Soering v United Kingdom,12 the European Court of Human Rights laid the essential foundations for protection from removal under the European Convention. In this first judgment in what is now a long and consistent body of jurisprudence, the court ruled that it would be a breach of the Convention to remove an individual to another state in which there were substantial grounds to believe that he or she would face a real risk of treatment contrary to Article 3, which prohibits torture or inhuman or degrading treatment. Later judgments have confirmed the applicability of this principle without exception, for example, in ‘security’ or criminal cases,13 and in the context also of extra-territorial interception operations.14 This human rights jurisprudence contributed substantially to ‘legislative’ developments within the European Union. These include the adoption of the 2001 Directive on Temporary Protection,15 applicable to ‘displaced persons’ unable or unwilling to return to their country of origin, for example, because of armed conflict, endemic violence, or systematic or generalized violence, and whether or not they are Convention refugees; (p. 42) and the 2004 Qualification Directive, which besides providing for recognition of Convention refugees, now also calls for ‘subsidiary protection’ in the case of those who would face a real risk of serious harm if returned to their country of origin (McAdam 2007).16 AlternativesCanada AlternativeCanada will not take more refugeesAssociated Press, 9-5-15, In election year, Canada less welcoming to refugees, http://www.haaretz.com/news/world/1.674741 DOA: 9-6-1 AP - Canada has long prided itself for opening its doors wider than any nation to asylum seekers, but the number it welcomes has waned since Conservative Prime Minister Stephen Harper took power almost 10 years ago. Harper has rejected calls to take immediate action to resettle more Syrian refugees, despite the haunting image of a drowned 3-year-old washed up on a Turkish beach that has focused the world's attention on the largest refugee crisis since World War II. Canada has the capability to quickly resettle refugees Associated Press, 9-5-15, In election year, Canada less welcoming to refugees, http://www.haaretz.com/news/world/1.674741 DOA: 9-6-15 In times of crisis in decades past, Canada resettled refugees quickly and in large numbers. It airlifted more than 5,000 people from Kosovo in the late 1990s and more than 5,000 from Uganda in 1972 and resettled 60,000 Vietnamese in 1979-80. More than 1.2 million refugees have arrived in Canada since World War II.
Associated Press, 9-5-15, In election year, Canada less welcoming to refugees, http://www.haaretz.com/news/world/1.674741 DOA: 9-6-15 Immigration Minister Chris Alexander has said Canada will accept 10,000 Syrian refugees over the next three years in response to a United Nations Refugee Agency's global appeal to resettle 100,000 refugees worldwide. But leaders of the two main opposition parties challenging Harper in the October election say Canada should do more. Liberal leader Justin Trudeau said Canada should take in 25,000 Syrian refugees immediately. “We have it done in the past, and we can do that again," Trudeau told a campaign event Friday. "It is something that has made Canada the country that we are." Tom Mulcair, leader of the New Democrats, said military action would not have saved the little boy on the beach. "Canadians that I meet with across this country want Canada to do its share," Mulcair said. "If we're elected, there will be 10,000 people brought to Canada before the end of this year." The New Democrats advocate an accelerated plan to bring more than 46,000 refugees to Canada by 2019.
Catherine Dauvergne, an immigration expert and the dean of law at the University of British Columbia in Vancouver, said that with countries like Turkey taking in 1.59 million Syrians, Canada should take in 50,000 this year and 100,000 next year, considering the scope of the crisis. Conservative cabinet minister and former immigration minister Jason Kenney disputed criticism that Canada needs to be more welcoming, tweeting that since 2006 Canada has welcomed 1.6 million new citizens and 240,000 refugees. If countries agree to take more refugees that will encourage more to flee Alison Smale, 9-6-15, New York Times, Pope Calls on All of Europe’s Catholics to House Refugees, http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/07/world/europe/pope-calls-on-europeans-to-house-refugees.html DOA: 9-6-15 The British do not want to add any further incentive, or “pull factor,” that will encourage more refugees to risk the passage to Europe, nor to favor those migrants who could afford to pay people smugglers over those who are in the regional camps. With euroskeptics inside and outside Mr. Cameron’s ruling Conservative Party critical of Brussels, Britain will continue to reject the idea of mandatory quotas to distribute migrants and asylum seekers already in Europe
Multilateral ActionA robust, multilateral immigration mechanism needs to be developedStewart Patrick, 9-3-15, World on the Move: Understanding Europe’s Migration Crisis, http://blogs.cfr.org/patrick/2015/09/03/world-on-the-move-understanding-europes-migration-crisis/ DOA: 9-6-15 Finally, Europe’s current predicament carries a larger lesson. The nations of the world need a more robust multilateral mechanism to develop and promote common global standards for the processing and treatment of migrants and refugees. The building blocks of such a system already exists, including in the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the UN’s High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). But the IOM is mainly an assistance body rather than a forum for negotiation, and UNHCR is stretched thin by multiple humanitarian crises. However, rather than seeking to create an entirely new international organization, UN member states should look to strengthen these existing ones so that they can do more to assist countries and regions coping with unexpected spikes in refugees and migrants. Ban Ki-moon’s upcoming emergency summit on migration (planned for September 30) is a welcome step in this direction. Directory: uploads uploads -> 587 Return function, r i(X) r i(0) r i(1) r i(2) r i(3) 1 0 2 4 6 Thermal Station, I 2 0 1 5 6 3 0 3 5 6 10 uploads -> Department of science and humanities department of mathematics part-a questions and answers uploads -> The Case Against the nypd’s Quota-Driven ‘Broken Windows’ Policing What Is It? uploads -> For want of a nail uploads -> Ownership Models There are two different types of ownership models uploads -> Police Militarization uploads -> City of rising star regular meting thursday, july 14, 2016 uploads -> Township of winfield uploads -> Stop Militarizing Law Enforcement Act of 2014 uploads -> The Black Panther Party’s Ten-Point Program What We Want Now! Download 0.68 Mb. Share with your friends:
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