Cars Bad Dartmouth 2012 1 Mass Transit aff – ddi 2012


Safer mass transit and sidewalk systems prevent traffic fatalities and provide better access for the poor, disabled, and elderly



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Safer mass transit and sidewalk systems prevent traffic fatalities and provide better access for the poor, disabled, and elderly


Gao 11

(Suzi Gao, writer for Unfinished Buisness, a blog committed to civil and human rights for all, July 27, 2011, http://www.unfinishedbusiness.org/20110727-raquel-nelson-and-the-fatal-cost-of-transportation-inequality/)


Last month, Nelson, a part-time student and single mother, was convicted in Georgia of vehicular homicide and jaywalking. After getting off a bus stop across the street from her home, [Nelson] and her three kids were crossing a dangerous street without any pedestrian safeguards when her 4-year-old son was struck down by an intoxicated driver. After two trials and national outcries against her conviction, Nelson was given the option to accept either 12 months probation or a re-trial. Meanwhile, the driver who killed Nelson’s son got off with six months on a hit-and-run charge. This unfortunate incident highlights the pertinent need for a reliable and accessible mass transit system. A very small percentage of federal funds are being used for affordable transportation. This means that low-income people, seniors, and people with disabilities are denied equal access to opportunity and safety. Regrettably in Nelson’s case, the insufficient 1.5 percent of federal funds that were scarcely allocated to revamp dangerous roads or to create better alternatives, ended up personally affecting her life. According to Transportation for America’s report Dangerous by Design 2011, pedestrians account for nearly 12 percent of total traffic deaths. These deaths are usually considered “accidents,” and often occur along dangerous roads designed for high-speed cars, neglecting provisions for pedestrian friendly infrastructure. We should keep all of this in mind as Congress considers the surface transportation reauthorization bill that will outline federal spending for the next six years in transportation priorities. Cutting away necessary investments in walkable communities, bicycle friendly roads, and wheelchair accessibility would be like cutting away their lifelines. And just think, think about some of the benefits our nation would gain, such as less pollution for our air quality, obesity, and the most unfortunate one in this case – pedestrian fatality.

Solvency - Movement

The combination of the creation of mass transit systems and a massive movement recognizing the issues inherent in automobility will create cracks in the regime of automobility. Putting into question the “going-ons” of automobility is a subversive act that could reconfigure the entire transportation system.

Bohm et al. 06 (Steffen Böhm, Campbell Jones, Chris Land and Mat Paterson, Steffen Böhm is Lecturer in Management at the University of Essex. He is a member of the editorial collective of ephemera: theory & politics in organization and co-editor of mayflybooks. He does not own a car. Campbell Jones is Director of the Centre for Philosophy and Political Economy and Senior Lecturer in Critical Theory and Business Ethics at the University of Leicester, UK. He walks a lot. Chris Land now teaches at the University of Essex. His research has predominantly been concerned with the constitutive role of technology in producing human subjectivity. Matthew Paterson is Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Ottawa, Canada. His main research interests are the politics of global warming, ecological perspectives on global politics, and the political economy of global environmental change. Having moved to the continent of enforced automobility, he is now no longer car-free, although the bike remains his drug of choice, Against Automobility, Pages 13-15, RM)
One way of enacting the regime of automobility is to look at the antagonisms that are inherent to this regime and try to address the social, environmental and economic consequences that are produced by its ‘malfunctioning’. Take, for example, the introduction of congestion charges in London, an undoubtedly bold scheme that started in early 2003. Charging vehicles for entering city centres is one way to address the growing gridlock that characterizes most big cities on the globe. The protests against this particular scheme in London have been manifold. Commuters complained about the spiralling costs of getting to and from work and the lack of high quality public transport alternatives. Local businesses complained about their increased costs of doing business in London. There will always be a host of social groups that will be affected by the introduction of new governmental measures of control. What seems clear to us, however, is that the introduction of congestion charges points to the inherent antagonisms that characterize the regime of automobility, antagonisms that need to be politically addressed, if the regime as a whole is to continue. Many insist that individuals should be able to decide for themselves and take things in their own hands, to be responsible for their own destiny. As a corollary, the task of politics is to reduce the interventions of the State and ensure that citizens have as much freedom as possible. The automobile as the vehicle that promises completely autonomous, free movement fits perfectly within such image. It comes as no surprise, then, that despite the serious environmental, social and economic costs due to the ‘success’ of automobility, dominant political discourses call for cheaper fuel, less taxes, more roads and less ‘governing’ of automobility. It seems clear that such understanding of the regime of automobility is illusory, precisely because automobility as such, is always already impossible, even on the conceptual level. This is to say that automobility is already an ‘open’ regime in the sense that it requires enactment to make it work. The task of politics is precisely to ‘make up’ automobility, that is, to set the limits and thereby gloss over the particular antagonisms of automobility. What we are describing here is, of course, a reformist model. The politics of particularity aims to reform the regime of automobility by responding to particular failures, breaks and accidents – it makes a regime that is fundamentally impossible possible. The London congestion charge is such a politics of reform. It introduces a new technique for the governance of automobility, which has already changed the face of automobility in London itself: more cyclists are commuting to work, public transport plays a better role and people simply seem to walk more.While we certainly do not want to dismiss the importance of such a political move, the danger of a politics of reform is that it remains at the level of particularity in the sense that it remains geographically and politically a singular event and limited to the ‘improvement’ of automobility. The London congestion charge is only a small gesture, precisely because it is not yet embedded in a wider politics of ‘regime-change’; a change that would signal a hope of a radically different regime of automobility. It seems to us that one possible signal in urgent need to be sent out is one that entails a radical break from the dependency of automobile life on the unsustainable, environmental and social destruction causing, usage of non-renewable oil resources. How would an automobile society look without oil? This radical, yet so logical, question has been asked by many anti-road protesters, environmentalists and authors (eg, Catton, 1982; Heinberg, 2005; Zuckermann, 1991; www.lifeaftertheoilcrash.net) for many years – and now even progressive governments have caught on (The Guardian, 2006). Equally, one could ask: how would a carfree city look (Holtz Kay, 1997)? Cities like Amsterdam, Copenhagen, Freiburg and others show that a mixture of public transport and extensive cycle lane networks can provide an infrastructure that signals a hope in a more sustainable and carfree urban transport future (see Alvord, 2000; Crawford, 2002; see also www.critical-mass.org). Yet, while such provisions are signs of a future beyond the current regime of automobility, what seems to be important is to connect them to a wider, more general, questioning of the impossibility of the regime of automobility itself. In our view, reforming automobility is not enough. In order radically to change the way automobility works today, it is not sufficient to expose the particular antagonisms of the regime and make it once again, temporarily, ‘possible’ by introducing new techniques of government. Instead, what is needed is a broadening awareness of the fragility of the entire regime of automobility.When in the year 2000 protests against high fuel prices brought most of the UK almost to a standstill, this fragility of the regime was made clear by a relatively small number of people within a few days: as almost the entirety of social life of the developed world depends on the steady flow of oil, a break of this flow has radical consequences for the normal maintenance of the regime of automobility. Such breaks in the normal flows of automobility, even if they intended to achieve the opposite, expose the fragility of the regime. It is an act of subversion that has the potential to put into question the entire ‘goings-on’ of automobility. Such acts do not only aim to engage with a particular antagonism of automobility but to redefine the grounds on which automobility can be thought. Such acts are therefore radically unaccountable; one can never fully foresee their consequences. In our view, this is the task of today: radically to put into question the universality of automobility and engender a space that imagines not only different automobilities that cannot yet be foreseen, but also a social form which recognizes the necessity of disentangling its twin conceptual bases – to delink autonomy from mobility and to put both in context. In this sense, we are proposing interventions that quite literally propose to reconfigure the very coordinates of what is perceived as ‘possible’. Faced with an antagonistic and impossible regime of automobility, we hope that the essays collected in this volume contribute to the recognition of that impossibility and to the collective possibility of moving beyond it.
Solvency - Contact Hypothesis

Inter-racial contact helps take away negative stereotypes toward the other
(Welch 93 et al. Susan Welch and Lee Sigelman, March 1993, Welch is a Dean at the College of Liberal Arts and Professor of Political Science at Pennsylvania State University, and Sigelman is a Columbian College Distinguished Professor of Political Science and was previously a department chair at George Washington University)
What psychological mechanisms might mediate the linkage between interracial contact and positive racial attitudes? One is availability(Kahneman, Slovic & Tversky 1982). For whites, having a black friend or living in an area where one comes into frequent contact with blacks serves as a source of information about blacks - their outlooks, the problems they face, and so on. Such first hand information almost inevitably influences one's perceptions of and feelings about blacks in general. Thus, for example, when whites are asked how many blacks harbor antiwhite feelings, they may think first of their own black friends, if they have any, and the very fact of their friendship should shape their response. Or they may think of blacks in the area where they live, and here again their impressions are likely to be fairly positive, because black-white relations are usually perceived as less problematic in one's local area than nationwide (Sigelman & Welch 1991). Lacking such firsthand information, whites must base their responses on whatever other information they may have at their disposal. Given the tendency of media coverage to focus on cases of intense, dramatic conflict, the second hand information whites have about blacks is apt to accentuate the negative. This availability-based interpretation suggests, in short, that whites' perceptions and expressions of racial hostility should be materially affected by personal contact with blacks, because such contact is a key source of positive information about blacks; in the absence of this source, whites must fall back on other information sources, including long-standing racial stereotypes and media reports, which are more likely to be negative. For blacks, too, interracial contact presumably affects the availability of information about whites, though perhaps in a somewhat more muted fashion than for whites. Living in a white-dominated society, blacks have an easier time amassing a variety of first- and secondhand information about whites than the average white does about blacks. Thus, simply being in neighborhoods or school cachement areas with whites may have little bearing on perceptions of racial attitudes generally. However, interracial friendship may deter racial stereo-typing by providing blacks with counter examples to the stereotype of whites as prejudiced and hostile.
Data show that inter-racial contact increases positive attitudes toward the other – this could make current race relations calmer
(Welch 93 et al. Susan Welch and Lee Sigelman, March 1993, Welch is a Dean at the College of Liberal Arts and Professor of Political Science at Pennsylvania State University, and Sigelman is a Columbian College Distinguished Professor of Political Science and was previously a department chair at George Washington University)

On the other hand, we can hardly conclude from our findings that interracial contact is unimportant. Although half of the coefficients in Table2 are nonsignificant, the other half are significant, and in every instance, the significant coefficients run in the direction predicted by the contact hypothesis. In fact, we consistently found that interracial friendships decrease blacks' perceptions of racial hostility and that interracial neighborhood contacts decrease whites' perceptions of hostility. Both interracial friendships and neighborhood contacts increase whites' desire for racial integration. On no occasion did we witness a worst-case scenario of interracial contact breeding negative racial attitudes. In some instances, the positive effects of interracial contact are modest, but even these modest effects, aggregated over millions of black and white Americans, have the potential to ease the prevailing climate of race relations. And in some instances, the positive effects of interracial contact are substantial. There is, then, reason to believe that the availability hypothesis has considerable merit. Personal contact between whites and blacks is associated with positive white attitudes. It is noteworthy in this regard that interracial contact has its most marked effects on perceptions or expressions of racial hostility in one's own area, just as would be expected if, in effect, people generalize from specific situations with which they are familiar to more general situations about which their information may be more uncertain.
People with greater contact with other races are better at recognizing faces of different races
(Valentine 95 Tim Valentine and Patrick Chiroro, 1995, Valentine was a United States democratic representative for the state of Carolina, Chiroro has been a university lecturer and professor, The Quarterly Journal of Environmental Psychology Section A: Human Environmental Psychology, “An Investigation of the Contact Hypothesis of the Own-race Bias in Face Recognition, accessed online: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14640749508401421#preview)
Although previous studies have demonstrated that faces of one's own race are recognized more accurately than are faces of other races, the theoretical basis of this effect is not clearly understood at present. The experiment reported in this paper tested the contact hypothesis of the own-race bias in face recognition using a cross-cultural design. Four groups of subjects were tested for their recognition of distinctive and typical own-race and other-race faces: (1) black Africans who had a high degree of contact with white faces, (2) black Africans who had little or no contact with white faces, (3) white Africans who had a high degree of contact with black faces, and (4) white Britons who had little contact with black faces. The results showed that although on the whole subjects recognized own-race faces more accurately and more confidently than they recognized other-race faces, the own-race bias in face recognition was significantly smaller among the high-contact subjects than it was among the low-contact subjects. Also, although high-contact black and white subjects showed significant main effects of distinctiveness in their recognition of faces of both races, low-contact black and white subjects showed significant main effects of distinctiveness only in their recognition of own-race faces. It is argued that these results support the contact hypothesis of the own-race bias in face recognition and Valentine's multidimensional space (MDS) framework of face encoding.
Impact– Biopolitics

The highway machine is the worst form of biopolitics – it controls both those who drive and those who don’t through differences in class

Kuswa 2 (Kevin Douglas Kuswa, Dr. Kuswa is the Director of Debating at the University of Richmond and has written on issues of globalization, critical whiteness, and rhetoric. He received his PhD from the University of Texas at Austin in Communication Studies., LexisNexis, “SUBURBIFICATION, SEGREGATION, AND THE CONSOLIDATION OF THE HIGHWAY MACHINE”, Winter 2002, RM)
One of the devastating memories of the highway and suburbia during the middle of the last century concerns race and class and the ways many impoverished and minority people were segregated and contained in certain city regions. How is power exercised in these instances? How can these histories be tied together to critique the effects of the highway machine? A relational notion of power can assist critical whiteness in confronting any attempts to govern through a spatial control of mobility and housing that promotes race and class divisions. Power no longer constitutes authority in a bipolar way, for the exercise of power produces positive and negative effects. More specifically, the racing and placing of populations occurs through the highway machine's exercise of pastoral power, not through a barricade set up by the military or forced internment. A concept like pastoral power turns away from analyzing situations in terms of "those with power" against "those without." Pastoral power, for Foucault, involves the individualization and totalization of power's objects: the subject and the flock. n62 Civil [*55] institutions took it upon themselves to save and improve the citizenry, rather than simply governing the larger social body. Individuals are subject to rigid norms and groups are subjugated by state policies and enforcement. In a less abstract sense, the urban highway subjugates communities that are not able to access the highway, while people who do have access are subject to its restrictions and its path. The subject, or driver, desires easy access to employment as well as a domestic escape from the perceived dangers of city life. Meanwhile, the flock, or abstracted community, desires security and the comforts of modernity. The underside of the subject and the flock is, of course, the non-citizen and the non-community-the elements that must be purged and sanitized for the smooth functioning of society. This is how pastoral power produces subjectivities at the same time that it subjugates others. Through the highway machine, the non-citizen emerges as the residue of circulation and distribution-the immobile person contained in a trap of poverty and walled-in by the very structures designed to expand society's possibilities of travel. The have-nots become the move-nots, resigned to remain within a crowded cage contrasted with the adjacent freedom of superhighways and airports. Through the highway machine, the non-community emerges as the residue of out-migration and gentrification, effectively raising and depressing property rates to squeeze some people in and some people out. Drawing an analogy to a more popularized form of containment will serve to highlight the process. Greene relates the discourse of containment to United States foreign policy in the "third world," by showing how poverty and overpopulation had to be contained in the [*56] name of democracy. n63 The borderlines between North and South (the North South gap) and between East and West (the East West divide or the Iron Curtain) became regions where containment worked to place and displace particular territories and populations. These logics appeared across the globe in the form of proxy wars (Angola, Nicaragua, Vietnam, Afghanistan); in the emergence of spheres of influence (the bear in the backyard and the domino theory); and in the separation of worlds into the industrialized first world, the industrializing or communist-bloc second world, and the underdeveloped or newly independent third world. Containment worked in these contexts to isolate conditions of political instability, poverty, and rapid population growth. These conditions then marked places that could breed communism or pose a potential threat to the West. Greene focuses on how the population control apparatus adopted containment rhetoric to further birth control, family planning, and health promotion in the so-called third world. This article uses Greene's concept to make a brief comment on the tropes of "cleanliness," "the pristine," "health," and "whiteness" operating within containment. n64 From there, we turn toward the ways these discourses produce racial divisions within American cities. Early in his account of the population apparatus, Greene notes "discourse strategies offer the means for making the conduct of a population visible as a problem" and "a discourse strategy exists as a norm for evaluating [*57] the welfare of a population." n65 We recognize, though, that these discursive strategies are material and not just descriptive, that rhetorical positioning operates alongside ethical judgment, and that discursive foundations allow the exercise of power to be enabling and disabling at any given moment. n66 Many strategies circulate together to make certain populations visible and judge their productivity. Deploying the need for health, for instance, discursive strategies began to associate the health of the individual with the health of the nation and the health of the social body. A number of techniques combine to determine which populations are unhealthy and how those populations can be distinguished, separated, and contained. The health of a given population works figuratively and literally (metaphorically and physically). As Greene contends: "the individual health/social health couplet allows the language of public health and disease to be deployed in order to pathologize particular practices as 'unhealthy' for both the individual and the social body." n67 Greene's link between the discourse of health and containment is clear in the emergence of a Malthusian couple and state promotion of birth control, making the notion of "racing and placing populations" a significant one to import to the intersection between the suburb and whiteness. n68



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