2NC Extensions: A/t #4 “economic Crisis Prevents Solvency” 384
1) The EU can use experiences from recent economic troubles to provide the best assistance to Latin American economies.
INTER-PRESS SERVICE, 13
[Fabiana Frayssinet; “Can Europe and Latin America Meet as Equals?” 1/26, http://www.ipsnews.net/2013/01/can-europe-and-latin-america-meet-as-equals/]
The European Union’s serious economic and financial crisis stands in stark contrast to the relative stability and decade-long growth enjoyed by Latin America and the Caribbean and could put the two blocs on equal footing, giving the Southern region more leverage to further its demands and economic growth. The European Union (EU) is set to meet with the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) for a bi-regional summit in the Chilean capital of Santiago this Saturday, Jan. 26 and Sunday, Jan. 27. The meeting will bring together heads of state or high government officials from the 60 countries that make up the two regional blocs, which have a combined population of 1.07 billion and strong cultural, historic and commercial ties. But the process of forging these commercial ties has not been without its share of difficulties and setbacks, despite the fact that, as the founding documents of CELAC state, “the European Union is the top direct investor in Latin America and the Caribbean, its leading cooperator, and second largest trading partner“.
2NC Extensions: A/t #5 “No Timeframe for Solvency” 385
1) Fiat checks this. We guarantee funding for the Counterplan, and it happens immediately. Even if Europe’s financial crisis takes years to recover from, the Counterplan goes into effect immediately.
2) Reciprocal with the Plan. The affirmative can fiat their plan through a federal government that’s 16 trillion dollars in debt. The argument both sides are making is that their plan should be adopted and implemented right away, not that it would or will.
3) Europe is the largest investor in Latin America, and shares cultural values that allow it to solve effectively.
EU BUSINESS, 13
[“Latin America eyes strategic alliance with Europe,” 1/24, http://www.eubusiness.com/news-eu/latam-diplomacy.lz8]
But the regions' economic weight varies widely, with the EU, a giant market of 500 million people, making up the world's biggest economic bloc and contributing one fourth of the global GDP. The EU is the biggest outside investor in Latin America, with 3 percent of the direct foreign investment in CELAC or $385 billion in 2010. "This is more than the combined investment in China, Russia and India," according to a EU diplomat. European diplomats are fond of recalling that Europe's ties with Latin America and the Caribbean are based "on a common history and culture and inspired by the same values."
2NC Extensions: A/t #6 “European Leadership Turn” 386
1) No Link: The E.U. will not make cuts from the Middle East, they will cut from Africa which has no impact on leadership.
FLANAGAN AND CONLEY, 11
[Stephen, Henry A. Kissinger Chair and senior vice president at Center for Strategic International Studies; Heather, senior fellow and director of the CSIS Europe Program, “A Diminishing Transatlantic Partnership? the impact of the financial crisis on european defense and foreign assistance capabilities;” May, http://csis.org/files/publication/110427_Flanagan_FinancialCrisis_web.pdf]
Over the past decade, Europe has honed its international development leadership skills, principally through the G8, as it demonstrates the full range of its soft power. Therefore, Europe will be reluctant to give up its well-earned and preferred global position. But as the reality of imposed or voluntary austerity measures and lackluster economic growth ultimately reduce European official development assistance, aid priorities will be limited and more directly tied to a country’s economic or strategic interests. Aid to Africa, and to sub-Saharan Africa in particular, will likely stagnate, meaning that while global aid to the region may continue to rise, it will do so gradually and fall far short of Gleneagles commitments.
2) We control uniqueness: European Union leadership is low now because of declining aid totals. The Counterplan props this back up.
CONLEY, 11
[Heather, senior fellow and director of the CSIS Europe Program, “A Diminishing Transatlantic Partnership? the impact of the financial crisis on european defense and foreign assistance capabilities;” May, http://csis.org/files/publication/110427_Flanagan_FinancialCrisis_web.pdf]
Much of Europe’s soft-power leadership emanates from its official development assistance (ODA). The European Union and its member states constitute the world’s largest international aid donor. The 15 EU countries that are members of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Development Assistance Committee (DAC) netted $67.1 billion in ODA, or 56 percent of the DAC’s total ODA in 2009. If the $13.4 billion of ODA from EU institutions is added, the European total for 2009 is $80.8 billion or 67.3 percent of the DAC total. 1 In comparison, the United States government provided $28.7 billion in ODA, 23 percent of the DAC total in the same year—although foreign assistance from private U.S. sources is even larger than U.S. ODA. 2 In 2005, EU countries committed to raising their percentage of gross national income (GNI) 3 dedicated to aid to a collective total of 0.56 percent in 2010 and to 0.7 percent by 2015. But Europe’s sovereign debt crisis has called its bold assistance goals into question. Reductions in GNI [gross national income] coupled with some “creative” development assistance budgetary accounting (or aid inflation) by European capitals are a cause for concern that Europe’s professed faith in its enduring soft power faces defined limits in an age of austerity. In 2009, the EU DAC members’ ODA total dipped slightly (0.2 percent), representing 0.44 of GNI. The OECD Secretariat estimates that the EU members will fall well short of their 2010 goal, probably reaching only 0.48 percent of GNI, when the data become available later in 2011.
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