B) Their standards prove the need for including our Affirmative. Their Rorty evidence talks about how good citizens should rally behind the government, without questioning what it means to be a citizen and who that is privileged by that identity. Rorty never talks about immigrants because they are invisible to him and not part of the “Real America.” Focusing on the government in this context means excluding everyone who does not have equal access to that government. If we win that racism should be rejected, you should reject their entire argument.
C) Switch-side debate does not increase tolerance. Even if they claim they want to talk about race, their interpretation always rules that discussion out. Liberals can be racist too, and insular ideas of Framework historically limit out any scholarship dealing with race. This makes our entire Affirmative an empathy disadvantage to their interpretation.
JOHNSON, 2000
[Kevin, Associate Dean for Academic Affairs and Professor of Law, University of California at Davis School of Law; “RACE MATTERS: IMMIGRATION LAW AND POLICY SCHOLARSHIP, LAW IN THE IVORY TOWER, AND THE LEGAL INDIFFERENCE OF THE RACE CRITIQUE;" 2000 U. Ill. L. Rev. 525 2000]
Importantly, any divide between the traditional- and race-immigration scholars is not necessarily along liberal/open borders versus conservative/restrictionist lines.12 1 Many, perhaps most, immigration law scholars are sympathetic to the rights of immigrants and frequently criticize immigration doctrine in a way that generally could be classified as "pro-immigrant.' 1 29 The white, liberal immigration law scholars, however, often do not fully acknowledge the racial influences or impact of the immigration laws and, consequently, do not squarely address the thrust of the race-immigration scholarship. 3° This may be a result of the "ivory tower" syndrome, viewing abstract legal principles without a concrete, real-life appreciation of how they actually operate in practice.31 The failure to incorporate minority voices into mainstream immigration scholarship has costs. Most importantly, it allows for the question of the influence of race on immigration law to be avoided by the most prominent and influential immigration scholars in the legal academy, which may well retard study and policy reform in the field for years to come. In addition, majority scholars may operate from "factual ignorance or naivete" and "a failure of empathy, an inability to share the values, desires, and perspectives of the population whose rights are under consideration. '132 Minorities from communities deeply affected by immigration, such as Latino/as and Asian Americans, generally can be expected to have different perspectives on and concrete knowledge about how immigration law and policy work in the "real" world, as opposed to an abstract, theoretical perspective. Scholars distant from those realities may not fully appreciate the facts or fail to empathize with immigrants.133 Consider that the leading- and unquestionably liberal- article exhaustively documenting the legislative developments culminating in the Refugee Act of 1980 virtually ignores the desire among some members of Congress, and their constituents, to limit Vietnamese refugee admissions that had increased in the 1970s with the fall of Saigon," while a leading Asian American scholar demonstrated how the new law was motivated in significant part by anti-Vietnamese sentiment.
2AC Frontline: Topicality – Critical Immigration 444
D) Localized Education: Acknowledging immigration narratives in our own educational environment is necessary to fully realize the value of diversity in schools, which is key to overall democracy.
HUBER, 10
[Lindsay; Assistant Professor in Social and Cultural Analysis of Education (SCAE) in the College of Education at California State University – Long Beach; “Suenos Indocumentados: Using LatCrit to Explore the Testimonios of Undocumented and U.S. born Chicana College Students on Discourses of Racist Nativism in Education," Dissertation at UCLA available via ProQuest; UMI Number: 3405577]
Rogers, Saunders, Terriquez and Velez (2007) further elaborate on the significance of education for the undocumented student population. These researchers present the link between increased education with increased civic knowledge, commitments and engagement. They argue that the education of undocumented students will affect the "health of American democracy" as these students, regardless of citizenship status, become actors in U.S. democratic society. Gibson and Levine (2003) argue that educational spaces enable young people to learn to interact, argue and work together with others. These researchers acknowledge the power of education to become a tool to enable all students to make valuable contributions to a democratic society. Thus, it is in the best interest of the state and the county to acknowledge the experiences of students, regardless of citizenship, who will become critical to the future of U.S. economic, political and social well-being.
E) Government-only education fails because the text of the law always appears to be neutral when it isn’t. Narratives are a necessary component of good education, because strictly focusing on the law can never teach us about the real world impacts of racism.
JOHNSON, 2000
[Kevin, Associate Dean for Academic Affairs and Professor of Law, University of California at Davis School of Law; “RACE MATTERS: IMMIGRATION LAW AND POLICY SCHOLARSHIP, LAW IN THE IVORY TOWER, AND THE LEGAL INDIFFERENCE OF THE RACE CRITIQUE;" 2000 U. Ill. L. Rev. 525 2000]
Evidence shows factual inaccuracies and lack of empathy in ivory tower immigration law scholarship. For example, although they recognize the need to control undocumented immigration, traditional immigration scholars often assume that enforcement measures will be applied in a race-neutral fashion despite evidence suggesting the contrary. 36 Much "ivory tower" work is abstract, distant from the impact on the lives of people affected by the operation of the law. Juiceless analysis of "the law," however, fails to capture the law's true effect on people's lives. Being questioned about your citizenship when you are a fifth-generation U.S. citizen or having a relative, friend, or acquaintance deal with the INS in removal proceedings "teaches" volumes about how the U.S. immigration laws work in practice. 137 Although obviously not the whole story, these practical impacts certainly are part of it, and they cannot help but influence a scholar's perspective on immigration law and enforcement.
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