Chicago Debate League 2013/14 Core Files


NC Extensions: A/t – #1 “Empirically Denied” [1/2] 258



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2NC Extensions: A/t – #1 “Empirically Denied” [1/2] 258



1) Now is a critical juncture for Middle East peace negotiations because all parties are able to give their full focus to the talks. Even though obstacles still exist, the chances are better than ever that peace can be achieved. Extend the WASHINGTON POST evidence.
2) They have no evidence that tensions were high enough to trigger the worst-case scenario in our Slater evidence prior to now. Every major conflict in the Middle East, from Syria to Iranian nuclear proliferation, will escalate unless the Israel/Palestine conflict is resolved quickly.
WORLD OUTLINE, 13

[“John Kerry: good news for the Middle East peace process,” 4/13, http://theworldoutline.com/2013/05/john-kerry-good-news-for-the-middle-east-peace-process/]


On March 21, in a speech in Jerusalem, Barack Obama vowed that the United States would take care of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. So far he seems to be keeping his promise. And it is about time, too. President Obama’s first term was marked by a total withdrawal from the situation. One could even speak of regression. In February 2011, the United States vetoed a resolution at the UN Security Council condemning, once again, the continued expansion of Israeli settlements in the West Bank. It was a way of confirming what has been happening for years: Washington unflinchingly accepting the policies of its ally, Israel, towards the Palestinian territories. Obama is in a paradoxical position. He intends to invest US power in Asia – the region that, according to him, will mark the century – while disengaging from the Middle East and its repeated tragedies; in short, head to the new big growth superstar of the time and pull out of a region deemed a lost cause, drowning in its ageless wars of religion. We understand President Obama’s logic. But at the same time, we fear that America must continue to exert a dominant political and military influence in the Middle East. This requires the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian issue. It is not that the conflict is central from a strategic point of view, as we say too often. The region is torn in multiple bloody clashes that do not have much to do with the Israelis and Palestinians. But this conflict is central in the memory of the Arab people, for whom it has a particularly heavy symbolic and political weight. A breakthrough in this case would be a source of regional peace. It would change the profile of the Middle East – for the best, cutting out the root of the hysterical and barbaric jihadist radicalism which has developed. Obama has referred the case to the Secretary of State, John Kerry, a tough, thoughtful and competent man. Since Obama’s speech in Jerusalem, Mr Kerry has visited the region three times. He has met all the protagonists, or almost: the government of Benjamin Netanyahu and the Palestinian Authority chaired by Mahmoud Abbas, but not yet Hamas. Dialogue must be restored, and that is what the Secretary of State intends to do in Jerusalem and Ramallah. He announced a substantial economic aid package for the Palestinians. It should strengthen the Palestinian Authority, which has been undermined by the continuous Israeli settlements and the authority’s own internal quarrels. Kerry has realized the futility of renewing a sterile face-to-face meeting between the Israelis and Palestinians. Instead, the Secretary of State wants to expand the negotiations by including the United States and Jordan. The ultimate goal is the creation of a Palestinian state alongside Israel. The Israeli issue sits beside those of Iran and Syria as crucial foreign policy priorities for the Obama administration. But in the promising beginnings of John Kerry’s tenure as Secretary of State, hopefully to be continued with an impending visit in Pakistan, we do have reason for optimism.

2NC Extensions: A/t – #1 “Empirically Denied” [2/2] 259



3) Now is a unique time because rapid nuclear proliferation is making the Middle East extremely unstable. If regional peace isn’t achieved, more weapons make nuclear war inevitable.
CIRINCIONE AND LEVENTER, 07

[Joseph, director for nuclear policy at the Center for American Progress; and Uri, graduate student at the Harvard University John F. Kennedy School of Government; “The Middle East’s Nuclear Surge,” 8/21, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/alon-benmeir/kerrys-last-ditch-effort_b_3428100.html]


Instead of seeing this nuclear surge as a new market, the countries with nuclear technology to sell have a moral and strategic obligation to ensure that their business does not result in the Middle East going from a region with one nuclear weapon state – Israel – to one with three, four, or five nuclear nations. If the existing territorial, ethnic, and political disputes continue unresolved, this is a recipe for nuclear war. This means that nuclear technology states must be just as energetic in promoting the resolution of these conflicts as they are in promoting their products. It means building the unity of the United States, Europe, Russia and the regional states to effectively contain the Iranian program. Finally, it means that engaging with Tehran is even more crucial to halt not only the Iranian nuclear program, but those that will soon start to materialize around it.


2NC Extensions: A/t – #2 “Obama Isn’t Focused” 260



1) Obama is focused and committed to Middle East peace negotiations, and he is putting his entire foreign policy administration to work. Our evidence is from a more reliable source and cites actual negotiations rather than speculations about Saudi Arabia, a country that isn’t involved in the peace talks. Extend our WASHINGTON POST evidence.
2) Obama is focused on resolving the Middle East peace process, but success will require total focus and attention.
KURTZER, 13

[Daniel, S. Daniel Abraham Professor of Middle East Policy Studies at Princeton University’s Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, “Obama's Middle East push must break the mold,” 4/30, http://www.dw.de/obamas-middle-east-push-must-break-the-mold/a-16780795]


The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been decoded. Both sides and the US know exactly what it takes to solve it. Now it is time for Barack Obama to show that he is not just going through the motions again. Every effort to advance Palestinian-Israeli peace negotiations can expect to face four separate but related crises: confidence-destroying activities on the ground; political turmoil that complicate leaders' ability and readiness to negotiate; a deep substantive divide over all the core issues; and active attempts by spoilers, opponents of the peace process, to undermine the process. As each of these crises occurs - and, if history is a guide, all of them are certain to confront the parties and the United States sooner or later - the political will, determination, and political backbone of all sides will be tested. For the Obama administration, its responses to these crises will determine how serious it is serious about trying to achieve peace. Unsettling settlements The administration is well-versed in these problems and thus logically should be prepared. Thus far there has been no apparent success in achieving an Israeli settlements freeze, although recent press articles have suggested a de facto slowdown on the ground. Since settlement activities remain one of the most vexing problems Palestinians face in deciding whether a peace push is serious, how the United States reacts to the inevitable Israeli announcements of new construction will be critical. This is especially important in three geographic areas: E-1, the stretch of land between Jerusalem and the settlement of Maale Adumim to the east; in Jerusalem itself, in particular in the ring of neighborhoods that surround the Old City on the eastern side; and outside the area encompassed by the Israeli security barrier, that is, beyond the small percentage of West Bank land that is likely to be part of land swaps in a peace accord. On the politics of peace making, the Obama administration, like its predecessors, is well-attuned and sensitive to the always-dynamic and usually-chaotic political situation in Israel. The question thus is whether it will manifest equal sensitivity to Palestinian politics.



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