Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 Mercury China Coop Aff



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US – Wants Coop (2/2)




NASA Administrator Bolden pushing coop with China on space

China Daily ’10

(“NASA sees hope for a Chinese partner,” 27 October 2010, LexisNexis, 7.1.11, SWolff)


BEIJING - NASA chief Charles Bolden said his China visit laid the groundwork for future cooperation between the two countries on manned space flight and space exploration. The head of the United States National Aeronautics and Space Administration, a former astronaut and veteran of four space shuttle missions, wrapped up a five-day trip to China on Thursday that included a tour of a major space launch center. Bolden said in a statement released on Tuesday by the US embassy in Beijing that he had been given a "very comprehensive visit" of facilities linked to China's manned space flight program and held talks with senior officials. He said the visit had helped the two sides "reach a common understanding of the importance of transparency, reciprocity and mutual benefit as the underlying principles of any future interaction" in the area of space flight. While no specific proposals for cooperation were discussed, Bolden said his trip could "form the basis for further dialogue and cooperation in a manner that is consistent with the national interests of both of our countries". "I am pleased that NASA was able to meet its objectives for the visit," Bolden said. The two sides had said during US President Barack Obama's visit to China in November 2009 that they looked forward to "expanding discussions on space science cooperation" and organizing reciprocal visits by their space chiefs. Bolden's visit came two weeks after China launched its second lunar probe - the next step in its ambitious program to become the second country to put a man on the moon. The Americans have achieved the only manned lunar missions, making six trips from 1969 to 1972.

Obama’s new space policy includes working on multilateral projects with several countries

Klotz, Journalist specializing in NASA space science and commercial space, 2010

(Irene, “U.S. Opens Space Doors To China,” Discovery News, http://news.discovery.com/space/nasa-space-china.html, June 30, accessed July 8, 2011, NS)


The next time the United States decides to venture into space, it won't be going alone. Future missions beyond Earth will include Russian, European, Japanese, Canadian and possibly Chinese partners, under a new national space policy unveiled by the Obama administration this week.

The ventures will start with projects to build confidence, gain trust and find common ground, such as cleaning up orbital debris, sharing climate information about the planet and collaborating on science missions. The International Space Station could even be tapped for trial runs, though obstacles remain.

Now Key – General (1/2)




Now is key to solve space relations to avoid war escalation

MacDonald, White House Office of Science and Technology Policy, former assistant director for national security, 8

(Bruce W., former assistant director for national security at the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy, “China, Space Weapons, and U.S. Security”, Council Special Report, No. 38, September 2008, p.3, http://books.google.com/books?id=o0GkabrNftIC&printsec=frontcover&dq=us+china+space&hl=en&ei=XSsOTv6QIs_TiALWtdSuBw&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1&ved=0CCoQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q&f=false, accessed 7/1/11) EK


Having crossed a space Rubicon with their ASAT demonstrations, neither nation can un-invent these capabilities. As the United States approaches major security policy reviews with the advent of a new administration in early 2009, both it and China face fundamental choices about the deployment and use of such capabilities, and the development of more advanced space weapons. The United States and China stand at a crossroads on weapons and space: whether to control this potential competition, and if so, how. While the United States is likely well ahead of China in offensive space capability, China currently is much less dependent on space assets that the U.S. military, and thus in the near term has less to lost from space conflict it is became inevitable. China’s far smaller space dependence, which hinders its military potential, ironically appears to give it a potential relative near-term offensive advantage: China has the ability to attack more U.S. space assets than vice versa, as asymmetry that complicates the issue of space deterrence, discussed later. This asymmetric Chinese advantage will likely diminish as China grows increasingly dependent on space over the next twenty years, and as the United States addresses this space vulnerability. Thus, the time will come when the United States will be able to inflict militarily more meaningful damage on Chinese space-based assets, establishing a more symmetric deterrence potential in space. Before then, other asymmetric means are available to the United States to deter China, though at possibly greater escalatory risk. That is, the United States could threaten to attack not just Chinese space assets, but also ground-based assets, including ASAT command-and-control centers and other military capabilities. But such actions, which would involve attacking Chinese soil and likely causing substantial direct casualties, would politically weigh much heavier that the U.S. loss of space hardware, and thus might climb the escalatory ladder to a more damaging war both sides would probably want to avoid.
Now is key for U.S. space policy reform

MacDonald, former assistant director for national security, 2008

(Bruce W., former assistant director for national security at the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy, “China, Space Weapons, and U.S. Security”, Council Special Report, No. 38, September 2008, p.33, http://books.google.com/books?id=o0GkabrNftIC&printsec=frontcover&dq=us+china+space&hl=en&ei=XSsOTv6QIs_TiALWtdSuBw&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1&ved=0CCoQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q&f=false, accessed 7/1/11) EK



The United States faces a serious challenge as its military and economic prowess increasingly depend upon space infrastructure that grows more vulnerable as worldwide space technology advances, especially in China, While the United States will likely remain the preeminent space power at least for the next twenty to thirty years, it will no longer enjoy the level of near monopoly on military space capability that it has enjoyed since the fall of the Soviet Union. As China becomes credible space power with demonstrated offensive counterspace capability, the question for U.S. policy is what kind of feasible and stable space regime best serves U.S. long-term security interests. This question should be addressed early in the new administration’s tenure, if not earlier.



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