Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 Mercury China Coop Aff



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Coop Good – Space Peace




Peace in space is being held hostage to low Sino-US relations – plan is key to cooperative dialogue

Hitchens and Chen 8

(Theresa, Center for Defense Information, World Security Institute and David, CENTRA Technology, Inc, “Forging a Sino-US ‘‘grand bargain’’ in space” Space Policy 24 (2008) pg. 128–131, Available Online at Sciencedirect.com, Accessed June 28, 2011, EJONES)


While China and Russia have long sought a treaty to ban weapons in space, off-and-on interest in Washington in space-based missile defenses and a US reluctance to close off options for ensuring ‘‘space superiority’’ have thwarted any forward motion for decades. That said, one cannot easily dismiss the concerns of many in the US military leadership that China’s interest in a space weapons ban stems primarily from a desire to block US space-based missile defenses, as well as to limit the ability to contain China’s growing military presence in space. Indeed, while the draft treaty tabled by China and Russia earlier in 2008 at the UN Conference on Disarmament would prohibit space-based missile defenses, it would not ban terrestrially based anti-satellite weapons of the kind Beijing tested in January 2007. Further, one cannot totally dismiss US government arguments that using a traditional, technology- based arms control approach to ban counter-space weapons might prove to be problematic given the inherent difficulty of distinguishing between benign and offensive technology. In response, some who advocate a negotiated solution in space have put forth concepts for a ‘‘code of conduct’’ for space activities, which would outline rules of behavior in peacetime, something similar to those that govern traffic on the high seas, or set limitations on the rules of engagement during conflict [8]. Under such a code, for example, space users could agree not to engage in intentional creation of persistent debris in peacetime and foreswear destructive measures against satellites during conflict, as debris contaminates the space environment and thus presents a threat to all users. Another provision might be the establishment of a ‘‘zone of control’’ around a satellite into which intrusions of foreign objects would be seen as violations of sovereign territory and threats to the satellite. These provisions would establish norms of behavior that temper the headlong rush toward an arms race in space. Such interactions and mutually agreed upon norms may help provide escape ramps in future crisis escalation scenarios. In 2001, when a Chinese fighter jet collided with a US Navy reconnaissance plane, the lack of established norms of communication hampered a quick resolution to the crisis. Only some seven years later have the militaries of both countries established a crisis hotline, underscoring the need to open a dialogue earlier, rather than wait for a sudden emergency. While the Bush administration has recently signaled interest in voluntary transparency and confidence-building measures regarding the use of space, it continues to reject any legally binding instrument. China, meanwhile, has refused to consider anything less than a full-blown weapons ban treaty, to be negotiated under the auspices of the UN Conference on Disarmament. Thus, the quest for diplomatic constraints on any future anti-satellite arms race continues to be held hostage to the China–US stalemate.


Coop Good – Space Peace




China’s emergence as a space leader could risk miscalculation wars, but external pressure could encourage a peaceful space policy

Johnson-Freese, Chair for the Department of National Security Studies at the U.S. Naval War College, 2007

(Dr. Joan, “China’s Space Ambitions”, IFIR Security Studies Proliferation Papers, p. 2, Summer, http://www.ifri.org/files/Securite_defense/China_Space_Johnson_Freese.pdf, accessed July 8, 2011, NS)


On October 15, 2003 China became only the third nation capable of manned spaceflight, joining the United States and Russia in that exclusive club. Subsequently, its second manned launch, this time carrying two taikonauts,1 occurred on October 2, 2005. Then on January 11, 2007 China joined the United States and Russia in another exclusive club, becoming only the third nation to test an anti-satellite weapon (ASAT). Those two very different events indicate Chinese space activity involving a wide spectrum of capabilities. Capabilities are not especially hard to gauge; intentions, however, can be very difficult to discern and result in strategic miscalculations. Robert Jervis and others have also discussed the perils of ambiguity as related to security dilemmas,2 where a spiral of preparations and tensions are created when the protective actions of one state lead to reactive countermeasures by another state, potentially leading to conflict or even war. While China’s

Information Office of the State Council issued White Papers on space in both November 2000 and October 2006 detailing Chinese aims, principles and accomplishments, considerable speculation remains as to its pragmatic objectives in space. Because China has an expansive space program and given that 95% of space technology is dualuse, meaning of value to both the civilian and military communities, the question of China’s intentions in space has become a subject of worldwide scrutiny, particularly in the United States. It also means that one cannot consider Chinese intentions regarding military space without looking at its entire program. Further, even those space activities which are not directly related to the military, such as manned space activity, can have significant geostrategic value. It is my contention that China seeks to exploit space for all the benefits it can reap, civil and military, within a restricted budget. Given that space is an inherently expensive area of development, China will have to make hard choices regarding what areas to pursue, and which to forego. It also means that there is an opportunity to externally influence Chinese ambitions toward the peaceful uses of space.






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