Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 Mercury China Coop Aff



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Coop Good – Solves Trust



U.S. transparency uniquely solves for U.S. leadership through example and will build genuine trust

Houpt, Master of Arts, Security Studies, Georgetown University, 2011

(Daniel M., “Does China have a comprehensive, coordinated, and consistent space policy? Implications for U.S. policymakers,” ProQuest, accessed 7/1/11, p. 57-58) EK


Second, the U.S. could set an example of transparency. For example, by proposing to the Chinese increased space situation awareness data-sharing, which could be hugely beneficial to the future Shenzhou missions, the U.S. can lead by example. The Chinese would of course need to respond in kind in a way to reassure U.S. skeptics, such as providing clarification on its microsatellite program and on-orbit rendezvous test. This will not be easy or immediately beneficial because China is in many ways allergic to transparency and will request more from the U.S. than it would ever give in return. Yet, this can present an initial opportunity to bring more communication, clarity, and perhaps even trust to the U.S.-China space relationship. Leading with data and information will also give more impetus to U.S.-China space relations than just a strategic dialogue. Furthermore, the U.S. could become more transparent with China about issues related to China’s fears of the U.S. space mission. Specifically, the U.S. could engage the Chinese on nuclear deterrence, regional BMD systems, and programs like Prompt Global Strike (PGS). China still maintains a relatively low number of intercontinental nuclear missiles and therefore believes its nuclear deterrent could be rendered moot by advanced U.S. ballistic missile defense systems. 172 These fears are compounded by programs like PGS in which the U.S. could theoretically quickly and efficiently strike Chinese nuclear missile silos with conventional munitions.


Coop Good – Leadership


If America doesn’t cooperate with China, leadership will be lost.

Tkacik, Research Fellow at the Heritage Foundation, ’10

(John J. Tkacik Jr., The Washington Times, 8 January 2010, p. 11, “China eyes high ground; Obama talks of cooperation, not competition on space exploration”, LexisNexis, 7.1.11, SWolff)


In November, Chinese air force commander Gen. Xu Qiliang observed that "competition between military forces is now turning toward the realm of space, [and] military modernization is ceaselessly expanding into space." But during his visit to Beijing a few days later, President Obama talked about "cooperation" rather than competition. In a joint statement with Chinese President Hu Jintao, the two leaders called for "a dialogue on human space flight and space exploration, based on the principles of transparency, reciprocity and mutual benefit." China's aerospace industry firms - which for decades have supplied dangerous missile technologies and equipment to Iran, North Korea and Pakistan, and which have been sanctioned ceaselessly by four successive U.S. presidents for their transgressions - will find the United States in a new suppliant posture. The atrophying U.S. space program suggests that America will be forced to cooperate with China in space, or else cede the high frontier of space to China altogether. In October, a White House committee headed by former Lockheed Martin Chairman Norman Augustine, reported that without $3 billion in additional funding, NASA has no plan that "permits human exploration to continue in any meaningful way." October's launch of the experimental Ares 1-X heavy lift rocket, while flawless, may well mark the end rather than the beginning of America's next-generation Constellation manned-space program. The space shuttle is scheduled for retirement this year and until Constellation gets off the ground, future American astronauts will rely on Russians - or Chinese - to get into orbit - if they want to get there at all. America's multitrillion-dollar deficits over the next 10 years are likely to dissuade the Obama administration from budgeting for Constellation until well after Mr. Obama leaves office, if then. The Pentagon is clearly alarmed by the prospect. The chief of U.S. Strategic Command, Gen. Kevin Chilton, told reporters Nov. 3, "With regard to China's [space] capabilities, I think anyone who's familiar with this business ... would have to be absolutely amazed at the advancement that China has made in such a short period of time, whether that be in their unmanned program or the manned program." Senior Chinese space officials have told their state media that China could be on the moon by 2022 at the outside. Other authoritative Chinese space engineers see a moon landing as a next step in the Tiangong program that will launch three Chinese space stations into Earth orbit between 2011 and 2015. In 2008, NASA scientists told the Bush White House that, with the technology currently available to the Chinese space program, Chinese cosmonauts could be on the moon by 2017. NASA sees China's strategy for a manned lunar landing as launch vehicle intensive. While America's notional Constellation moon project centers on a single - and still unbuilt - Ares-V "superheavy" lift booster for a direct ascent to the moon and two "lunar orbit rendezvous" operations, China will likely opt for two complex "Earth orbit rendezvous" maneuvers. This will require four "Long March V" rockets - in the same class as the Pentagon's Delta IV heavy lift launch vehicles - to put their cosmonauts on the moon. Launched in pairs over a two-week period from China's new Wenchang Space Center on the South China Sea island of Hainan, the four Long March Vs will each loft 26-ton payloads into low Earth orbits. The first mission will orbit the rocket for the translunar journey which will then join a second payload of an empty lunar module (LM) and its lunar-orbit rocket motor. Those first two unmanned payloads will rendezvous in Earth orbit and then fire off for the quarter-million-mile journey to the moon. Once the unmanned LM is in a stable lunar orbit, the second pair of missions will be launched into Earth's orbit; the first with another translunar rocket motor and the second with a combined payload comprising the lunar orbiting module, a modified service module, an Earth re-entry module and the manned Shenzhou capsule with three Chinese cosmonauts. NASA's experts understand the capabilities, talents - and intentions - of their Chinese counterparts perhaps better than anyone outside China and Russia. China's Long March V rockets are in development now; Russian space scientists now aid their Chinese counterparts in perfecting the Shenzhou class of manned vehicles - closely modeled on the rugged, tried-and-true Soyuz; China has also purchased Russia's spacesuit designs and the KURS and APAS rendezvous and docking systems. In contrast, NASA has resigned itself to the realities that America's space shuttles will be decommissioned by 2010 and, while the test-launch of the Ares 1-X heavy lift booster was successful, the follow-on Constellation manned program does not have a budget that will get it off the blueprint tables. […]
Failure to cooperate in space hurts US space leadership

Broniatowski, Faith, and. Sabathier, Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2006

[D. A., G. Ryan, Vincent G, Center for Strategic and International Studies, Human Space Exploration Initiative “The Case for Managed International Cooperation in Space Exploration” , 2006, Pages 1-2 http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/060918_managed_international_cooperation.pdf , accessed 7/8/11, HK]



If the ISS were unilaterally terminated, the result would be a blow to the credibility of the United States, concomitant with the loss of trust of the foreign partners. A U.S. withdrawal could send the message that the purpose of the pro-gram is simply to divert resources from other nations’ space goals in order to prevent competition. This, in turn, would have a profoundly negative effect on any future U.S. leadership in space exploration. If possible, international cooperation must be terminated in such a way as to avoid portraying the terminating nation’s actions as unreliable, disrespectful, or malicious. As such, if the ISS is to be terminated, such a termination should be phrased as a joint de-cision made among all partners, in such a way as to leave open the possibility of future cooperation.



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