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EXT: START KEY NON PROLIF CRED

FAILURE TO GET START DESTROYS NON-PROLIF AGENDA – TURNS THE AFF.



SHARP 3-19. [Travis, Research Associate at the Center for a New American Security. He worked at the Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation from 2006 to 2009 “New START Symbol or Substance” Nukes of Hazard]

Over at TNI, the Nixon Center’s Paul Saunders considers the international and domestic political implications of New START. Saunders is right that any ratification problems in the United States will suggest that “the administration is too weak to accomplish its goals,” which will undercut President Obama’s credibility and efficacy not only domestically but also during future international initiatives (including non-nuclear ones). It also seems clear that any ratification problems in Russia will “buttress not only Mr. Putin’s position, but also that of Russia’s already large group of America-skeptics. This group would prefer closer relations with China, a much less demanding partner,” as Saunders writes.



START GOOD: RUSSIAN RELATIONS

START key to US-Russia relations



Washington Post, 5/8/09

Obama Administration Is Bringing Nuclear Arms Control Back BYLINE: Mary Beth Sheridan; Washington Post Staff Writer BODY: In an Obama administration characterized by youth, they are a Cold War throwback, the aging arms-control experts who haggled with Soviet officials over nuclear weapons and testing. Suddenly, arms control is back. "Our leadership in the area of arms control and nonproliferation is of such profound global concern that that is at the top of the list" in U.S.-Russian relations, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton said after meeting yesterday with Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov. In New York yesterday, senior U.S. and Russian negotiators sat down to start work on renewing the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty, the 1991 pact that cut in half the superpowers' stockpiles of nuclear warheads. The talks are the first step in the administration's effort to seek "a world without nuclear weapons," as President Obama vowed last month in Prague. The negotiations come amid growing alarm about the development of nuclear weapons by North Korea and fears that Iran and other countries could follow suit. Luminaries of both political parties have called for new U.S. leadership in arms control and nonproliferation. "The subject kind of fell off the table" in recent years, said former Republican secretary of state George P. Shultz, one of the most prominent of those voices. "Now it's back up in front, because people see the dangers." The U.S. team negotiating the treaty renewal, led by arms-control expert Rose Gottemoeller, reflects the experience of a different era, when armies of bureaucrats from each side met in Geneva in an atmosphere bristling with suspicion. "We've all been looking around and chuckling and saying, 'We're all over 50,' " said Gottemoeller, an assistant secretary of state. She describes herself as a "Sputnik baby" who became fascinated with the Soviet Union after the 1957 satellite launch that fueled the superpower arms race. Obama has acknowledged that he may not live long enough to see a nuclear-free world, and has said that the United States will maintain a nuclear arsenal "as long as these weapons exist." But in addition to launching talks on the U.S.-Russian strategic-arms treaty, known as START, Obama has pledged to make progress on three other fronts: pushing for Senate ratification of an international treaty banning nuclear testing; reaching an agreement on halting production of weapons-grade uranium and plutonium; and strengthening the 1968 Non-Proliferation Treaty, the grand global bargain in which most nations pledged not to seek nuclear arms. The administration of President George W. Bush was wary of complex arms-control agreements, viewing them as unreliable and crimping U.S. flexibility. The administration pulled out of the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and reduced the U.S. contribution toward international monitoring of possible nuclear tests. It did, however, reach a bare-bones deal with Russia in 2002, known as the Moscow Treaty, to further reduce deployed strategic nuclear warheads. John R. Bolton, undersecretary of state for arms control in Bush's first term, said the Obama policies mark a philosophical shift. To Bush officials, "arms-control negotiations reflected an adversarial approach from the Cold War days" that did not make sense in dealing with modern-day Russia, he said. The Bush administration resisted adding verification measures to the 2002 agreement. But Russian leaders were unhappy about that approach. They also worried about American plans to place in Eastern Europe elements of a missile-defense system aimed at Iran. Gottemoeller, 56, who spent recent years in Moscow researching arms control, said the new talks could help rebuild confidence. "It will put us in a place where we can really, with the Russians, join arms and work very hard to solve the Iranian and North Korean problems," she said. "We can already see the possibilities for cooperation on some of these big nonproliferation problems are there, and will expand." Experts say there could be a further benefit: increased U.S. leverage with nonnuclear countries that have criticized the major nuclear powers for not moving more rapidly to disarm, as they are required to do under the Non-Proliferation Treaty. The United States and Russia maintain more than 90 percent of the world's nuclear weapons.
Relations key to solve extinction- accesses every impact

Taylor 2008 (Jeffrey, Atlantic correspondent living in Moscow, Medvedev Spoils the Party, http://www.theatlantic.com/doc/200811u/medvedev-obama/2)

Like it or not, the United States cannot solve crucial global problems without Russian participation. Russia commands the largest landmass on earth; possesses vast reserves of oil, natural gas, and other natural resources; owns huge stockpiles of weapons and plutonium; and still wields a potent brain trust. Given its influence in Iran and North Korea, to say nothing of its potential as a spoiler of international equilibrium elsewhere, Russia is one country with which the United States would do well to reestablish a strong working relationship—a strategic partnership, even—regardless of its feelings about the current Kremlin government. The need to do so trumps expanding NATO or pursuing “full-spectrum dominance.” Once the world financial crisis passes, we will find ourselves returning to worries about resource depletion, environmental degradation, and global warming – the greatest challenges facing humanity. No country can confront these problems alone. For the United States, Russia may just prove the “indispensable nation” with which to face a volatile future arm in arm.




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