Int’l cps- brag lab- wave 1 Theory



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EU Soft Power Module

Soft power K2 Heg

European Ocean development is key to EU Competitiveness and soft power in the world market


European Union 14, The European Union Press Release, 5/16/14, European Union is self-explanatory, “Ocean Energy – Europe and the Caribbean,” http://www.sknvibes.com/news/newsdetails.cfm/87185, NN

European Maritime Day is celebrated annually across the European Union (EU) on 20 May. This is relevant to the Caribbean as large parts of the EU and of course the entire Caribbean have a very close relationship with the ocean and secondly, the ocean is an enormous source of energy. It is estimated that 0.1% of the energy in ocean waves could be capable of supplying the entire world's energy requirements five times over. The EU has established a trinity of energy policy goals, energy supplies must be: i) secure; ii) sustainable and iii) underpin the EU’s global competitiveness. The energy challenges facing the Caribbean are remarkably similar. The development of this emerging sector would not only help us to achieve our mutual renewable energy and greenhouse gas reduction targets, but could fuel economic growth through innovation and create new, high-quality jobs. Also for these reasons, renewable energy is a key component of the EU's most recent policy document on development cooperation; the 2011 "Agenda for Change". So, the potential is significant and, for now, the EU position is very strong, and we are working very hard to consolidate our position as a global leader and expand our efforts. Today, ocean energy covers around 0.02% of EU energy needs and it is primarily used for electricity production. The target is for 15% of EU electricity to be provided from ocean energy by 2050. This is a massive task, but one which the EU must deliver on. In the following, I will briefly outline how the EU intends to achieve this goal. This may inspire a similar process in the Caribbean or ignite desires for collaboration on specific areas. As in many areas, the EU has started at the policy level. Important "Communications" from the European Commission, e.g. on "Blue Energy" (2012), demonstrate how the EU views a possible development of marine energy. These policy documents are complemented by a wide array of documents, statements etc from the EU private sector, academia, civil society groups and governments. The Action Plan for ocean energy in the EU comprises two phases. A first phase from 2014 – 2016, which is seeing the establishment of an EU-wide Ocean Energy Forum and the formulation of an Ocean Energy Strategic Roadmap. From 2017-2020, Phase 2 should see the implementation of a European Industrial Initiative, similar to a previous very successful development relating to wind energy, and the adoption of sector specific guidelines/legislation. Over the past seven years EUR 600 million private sector investments have been made in the sector and this amount has been complemented by substantial public funding for research either from the EU wide level or from individual Member States. Thus, today the EU has developed several devices of 1Mega Watt (MW) and more and deployed these in our waters. The goal is to deliver reliable and cost-effective electricity from larger-scale projects of up to 50MW by 2020 in preparation for wholesale market roll-out from 2025. An EU development of particular interest for the Caribbean is the development of Ocean Thermal Energy Conversion (OTEC). Some of the Outermost Regions of the EU are small island societies, very similar to the many Small Island Developing States of the Caribbean. With OTEC, the difference of temperature between cold, deep seawaters and warm, shallow waters creates a thermodynamic cycle, which can be used for producing electricity. For many Caribbean islands, the conditions for this type of technology could be ideal. Indeed a prototype has already been launched in the French island of La Reunion in the Indian Ocean. Here in the Caribbean, developments are already underway to explore the technology in Aruba and Martinique. With quite a remarkable level of foresight the European Marine Energy Centre (EMEC), based in the UK, was established ten (10) years and is now a world leader for real time testing and development of marine energy standards. Here in the Caribbean, the UK/Antigua company Seatricity has designed, developed and patented what appears to be a viable, practical and reliable wave energy plant – with prototypes having been tested in the Caribbean Sea. Testing has now moved on to EMEC in northern Europe. My hope is that the EU can establish strong research bonds with the Caribbean on marine energy, ideally building on the already impressive results of our EU-CARINET collaboration. This is an exciting time for energy in the Caribbean. A CARICOM energy policy was adopted in 2013, and the very strong contours of a road map to implement this policy are emerging. Key stakeholders with strong track records in the region, such as the Caribbean Development Bank, the University of the West Indies, and the Caribbean Export Development Agency are also increasingly focusing on renewable energy. Also the private sector is in a state of renewable energy flux. Critically, civil society organisations, such as Barbados Renewable Energy Association (BREA) in Barbados, are emerging too. In short the environment seems to be ripe for collaboration and technology transfer. Indeed in partnership with the Inter-American Development Bank and the Barbados Government, important initial scoping studies are due to take place very soon in Barbados. Funding facilities from the EU for the sector could be considerable – there is a wide array of EU level and EU Member States funding opportunities. A significant first step towards EU-Caribbean collaboration was taken when the UK hosted a Caribbean Marine Energy Seminar in Barbados in early 2014. This was a major success and we are exploring avenues to follow up. This should be the first of many EU-Caribbean exchanges on the subject – and indeed I think we can learn quite a lot from each other.

The leader of Multilateral cooperation has to be the E.U, the U.S has no credibility and can only rentrench Anti-western sentiment because of empirically self-serving policies.


Messner ’07 [ 2007, Dirk Messner is the Director of the German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE), “The European Union: Protagonist in a Multilateral World Order or Peripheral Power in the »Asia-Pacific« Century?” http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/ipg/ipg-2007-1/03_a_messner_gb.pdf]

The eu can fall back on four assets when it comes to developing its global governance capacities. First, the European Union has globally been ascribed the mostly positive role of an international negotiating or civil power, which stands for the development of a fair multilateralism. The eu is perceived as a »benevolent actor« and a broker of conflicting interests (for example, in the Middle East, in dealing with Iran) and a serious problem solver in important areas of world politics (for example, as regards climate change) in comparison with the usa and other influential states. Secondly, against this background the eu is helping to put a brake on rampant anti-Western world views and perceptions which have gained impetus due to the Iraq war, human rights abuses in Abu Ghraib, the erosion of human rights at Guantánamo Bay, and the unilateralism exhibited by the Bush government. Francis Fukuyama in his most recent book »America at the Crossroads« describes how after September 11, 2001 the usa proceeded to damage its reputation as a »benevolent hegemon.« Charles Kupchan (2003), adviser to the Clinton government on European politics, and Jeremy Rifkin (2004) underline, in contrast, that in many parts of the world Europe enjoys trust which could serve as a foundation for more effective international initiatives on the part of the eu but also of the West in general. The eu therefore possesses moral capital which could be of the highest importance in the translation of economic, political or even military potential into legitimate global action. Third, the eu is often reproached with making only marginal contributions to stability and security in the international system. The eu’s engagement in the successor states of the Soviet Union, as well as – in particular – the process of eastern enlargement of the Union, have contributed substantially to the largely peaceful transformation process in the former socialist countries. In this context the eu has made major political and financial investments in Europe’s stability and security and so also that of the international system, although this strategy has been controversial in many member states. The eu should capitalize on these successes both internally and externally to make its mark as an effective player in international politics. Fourthly, the eu itself constitutes a kind of regional »laboratory for global governance«. Multilevel politics between national states and the Union, the far-reaching juridification of its international cooperation ipg 1/2007 Messner, EU as Protagonist of Multilateralism 13 (European jurisdiction), the bundling of »shared sovereignties,« the continuous development of common interests between the member states, as well as the division of labor between national states, the quasi-supranational eu Commission and the eu Parliament – that is, the complicated but unavoidable »governing beyond nation states« – has been practiced in the eu for a number of decades. The experiences obtained in this way and the political habits handed down and internalized in this process represent for both the eu and the member states a political competitive advantage which is not to be undervalued when it comes to helping effectively to shape the development of the global-governance architecture. The eu is both the most advanced and at the same time the most ambitious project of regional cooperation in the world and in principle an appropriate answer to the challenges of globalization, which is increasingly giving rise to transnational sets of problems and necessitating cross-border governance

U.S cannot lead the world, rejection of multilateral norms and bad reputation means only EU can solve


Volger ‘6 [February 2006, John Vogler is Professor in International Relations at Keele University,“The European Union as a Protagonist to the United States on Climate Change” http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1528-3577.2006.00225.x/full]

Whatever the continuing influence of U.S. policy innovations, during the past decade, the idea of U.S. environmental leadership has, to put it politely, ceased to be credible. In the words of one Commission official, referring to a range of environmental negotiations in the mid-1990s, “the U.S. has raised sitting on its hands to the status of an art form” (Interview then DGXI Brussels 6 June 1996). U.S. obstructionism and disengagement across a range of negotiations left the EU with a leadership opportunity that it was uniquely qualified to seize: The U.S. is a strong political actor whereas the EU is a slow moving but weighty ship. The Community position has more weight in the long term. The U.S. often cannot define a credible negotiating platform - they cannot think of all the ramifications, on North-South issues for example, as the Community can. In climate, forests and biodiversity the EU is the only leader while the U.S. is absent, blocking or destructive. (ibid.) Not only was the U.S. no longer a leader, but it was involved in a progressive distancing from active involvement in climate-change management, culminating in the March 2001 formal denunciation of the Kyoto Protocol. U.S. withdrawal from the negotiations prompted the observation by the president of the sixth UNFCCC Conference of the Parties (CoP 6), Jan Pronk, that the EU “had become the only game in town” (Earth Negotiations Bulletin 2001:13). It is possible, however, that the period between the end of the Cold War and the attacks of 9/11 2001 was singularly propitious for EU actorness. Despite demands that the EU should assert or increase its influence on the world stage, and in particular should strive for an identity and roles that sharply distinguish its stance from that of the U.S.A., the contemporary period is undoubtedly dominated by the U.S.-led “war on terror.” It has been characterized by a significant disregard for international law and the authority of the United Nations, by sustained efforts by the U.S. government to undermine the newly established International Criminal Court, and by contravention of civil and human rights norms. The denunciation of the Kyoto Protocol is seen, rightly or wrongly, as part of a pattern of “lawlessness” (Sands 2005). To the extent that “security threats” dominate the agenda of international politics, the EU may encounter a diminution in opportunity to develop a distinctive posture—and, more specifically, to maintain a leadership role in climate-change diplomacy. Nevertheless, while the Iraq crisis demonstrated the limitations of a common foreign policy, U.S. rejection of the Kyoto Protocol has undoubtedly provided the EU with a unique opportunity to capitalize on its economic and environmental presence and to assume a leadership role in the climate-change regime. While EU representatives have enthusiastically claimed this role, it remains to consider the extent to which the EU possesses the capacity to achieve and sustain it.

EU soft power solves multiple great power wars and warming


Patrick R. Hugg 11, the John J. McAulay Professor of Law, Loyola University New Orleans College of Law, Winter 2011, “Redefining the European Union's Position in the Emerging Multipolar World: Strong Global Leadership Potential, Restrained by Asymmetry of Power and Dissonant Voices,” Tulane Journal of International and Comparative Law, 20 Tul. J. Int'l & Comp. L. 145, p. lexis

The unprecedented pace of change unfolding in today's multipolar world is producing a new global order in which all participants are forced to redefine their economic and political positions. n2 As many emerging economies promote growing nationalism across the globe, traditional Western powers - including both the United States and the European Union - must face the reality of a world in which the West is no longer solely ascendant. n3 As the Treaty on European Union (TEU) twenty years ago marked a bold redefinition of the European integration project, so the recent Treaty of Lisbon has reformed institutions, streamlined processes, and elevated the European Union (EU) on the global stage n4 as it again faces existential opportunities and internal and external conflict. The EU itself is in motion within a global order that is also in motion. This atomic relationship is more radically multipolar than is readily apparent: "Few in the West have grasped the full implications of the two most salient features of our historical epoch. First, we have reached the end of the era of Western domination of world history ... . [*147] Second, we will see an enormous renaissance of Asian societies." n5 The media are replete with references to the emerging BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India, and China) n6 economies and their international influence. Industry analysts proffer, "In less than forty years, the BRICs economies together could be larger than the G6 in US dollar terms." n7 Other experts observe the significant economic growth of additional countries - such as Indonesia, South Africa, South Korea, Turkey, and others - as dynamic centers of economic growth. n8 But the coming power structure is broader than merely emerging economies: Imagine a world with a strong China reshaping Asia; India confidently extending its reach from Africa to Indonesia; Islam spreading its influence; a Europe replete with crises of legitimacy; sovereign city-states holding wealth and driving innovation; and private mercenary armies, religious radicals and humanitarian bodies playing by their own rules as they compete for hearts, minds and wallets. It sounds familiar today. But it was just as true slightly less than a millennium ago at the height of the Middle Ages. n9 Further motion is seen in the Middle East as the "Arab Spring" uproots many long-standing autocratic governments. n10 Likewise, uncertain energy supplies worldwide distort power, depending on the markets and the climate. n11 Currency manipulation by numerous governments [*148] contributes to instability as governments react to economic and political pressures. n12 Also, many countries in the EU are in political and economic turmoil as national budgets - in response to fiscal woes - are reducing resources available for jobs and services to citizens, which has altered the generous social contract of the previous fifty years in Europe. n13 Due to the extreme financial positions in Greece, Ireland, Portugal, and Spain, governments are pressured to enact hugely unpopular legislation, further destabilizing their ability to govern. n14 With national elections on the horizon in some Member States, the political rhetoric becomes acerbic. n15 Massive "irregular" immigration from the Arab world rouses populist nationalism as well. n16 For example, in the traditionally tolerant Netherlands, a law banning religious slaughter was recently proposed, causing alarm in Muslim and Jewish communities. n17 Many Jews and Muslims see the ban as part of a growing European hostility to immigration and diversity. Geert Wilders, the far-right Dutch politician, has called for the Netherlands to ban the burka after France curbed the public wearing of the Islamic face veil; politicians including Britain's David Cameron have proclaimed the failure of multiculturalism; and anti-immigration parties such as Finland's True Finns have been increasingly successful at the polls. n18 With the French presidential election nearing in 2012, President Sarkozy is likely to continue a discourse focused on immigration, fear, and xenophobia. n19 Such negative, insensitive rhetoric does not promote stability in the EU or promote acceptance in the Islamic world. Finally, change can be found in the fundamental ethos of the EU itself. The original reasons justifying incremental pooling of aspects of [*149] sovereignty for the original supranational Communities - the need for internal peace and economic rebuilding mixed with fear of external military aggression n20 - are now mainly obsolescent. A unitary core motivation is less apparent in today's European citizen and politician. B. What Form of Polity Will the EU Assume in the Next Twenty Years? What Relative Position in the World? What Leadership Will It Exercise? The EU's famous common market will continue, and the Union - especially if it can further deepen its integration - could grow to much more. The single market remains the EU's "biggest competitive advantage": n21 Five hundred million relatively prosperous inhabitants make any such trading bloc significant. n22 Every Member State's "commercial interests are force-multiplied by 27 member states' weight." n23 The EU and the United States have the largest bilateral trading and investment relationships, and their transactions together account for nearly forty percent of world trade. n24 Significant to political and legal science, the EU will continue to present the most distinctly advanced model of peaceful cross-border cooperation of any type, n25 the elements of which include: supranational authority, n26 post-Lisbon "legal personality," n27 reasonably effective democratic institutions, high standards of human rights, and rule-of-law [*150] enforcement. n28 Moreover, as discussed infra, recent events and EU decision making have further advanced the depth of European integration, yielding a more complex, flexible, and integrated quasi-federal polity. Further, the EU is especially well-situated for future regional and international leadership in multiple sectors of international relations and policy, thereby fostering more enlightened policies and improved practices across the world, despite its inherent difficulties in speaking with "one voice." As a leader on the world stage, this quasi-federation is generally unencumbered by the past half-century of international interventions or domestic suppressions that have so pointedly discredited, in many minds, the United States, China, and Russia. Thus, the EU stands in perhaps the most advantageous position of all nations or regional/international organizations for principled leadership today. Viewed from another perspective, EU leadership is essential to preventing this new multipolar world from degenerating into another contentious bipolar world, possibly with the Western democracies opposing the autocracies of Russia and China, or perhaps with the traditionally Western cultures opposing Islam. n29 The EU may be the most important player in determining this future character of the world's power structure because China, Russia, and the United States all are "capable of both multilateral and unilateral behaviour." n30 The specific areas in which the EU enjoys advantageous leadership potential are several and could yield hugely significant results if the EU is able to exercise that leadership - for example, Europe's unique position as the world's foremost advocate of human rights protection, especially following the Treaty of Lisbon's amendments to the TEU's article 6. This article authorizes the EU to give legal effect to the EU's Charter of Fundamental Rights and more significantly mandates that the Union accede to the Council of Europe's monolithic Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. n31 The EU's windward tacking toward authentic human rights protection at last nears its destination. n32 [*151] In 1992, the TEU substantiated the principle developed by the European Court of Justice by confirming in article F that the "Union shall respect fundamental rights, as guaranteed by the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms ... and as they result from the constitutional traditions common to the Member States as general principles of Community law." n33 The European Council decision at Cologne in 1999 authorized the "expansive, innovative provisions" n34 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights. n35 The EU required the Charter to broaden overall protection because the European Convention on Human Rights spoke mainly to civil and political rights and did not address social and economic rights. n36 In spite of many criticisms that the Charter was unenforceable, it became enforceable with the Treaty of Lisbon. n37 That treaty crowned the long procession by commanding the EU to accede to the European Convention on Human Rights, n38 with enforcement authorized by two prestigious organizations, the EU and the Council of Europe. n39 Europe today stands in the most prestigious pulpit of global human rights leadership. Moreover, the EU's accomplishments in promoting environmental protection, including its 20-20-20 energy and climate package, n40 give the EU special standing to campaign for international cooperation. The EU has the opportunity to advance both international climate change cooperation and greener, more secure energy policies. n41 A collateral benefit of these initiatives would potentially encourage further integration of energy-rich Russia into mainstream Europe in areas ranging from economic and energy markets to improved cooperation in [*152] human rights. n42 The EU's Third Energy Package will also help reduce Russia's current leverage over EU energy supplies by making it harder for a company, such as the Russian Gazprom, to be both a supplier and transit provider. n43 Due to its geography, history, and present urgent circumstances, the EU could forge a breakthrough with improved migration and immigration policies, as well as the advancement of development and humanitarian aid, but only if it can reach consensus on its approach. n44 In spite of diverging national perspectives, the EU (and other countries and international and regional organizations) should rush to aid and stabilize exploding North African and Middle Eastern countries with an expanded Mediterranean policy. n45 Italy's Foreign Affairs Minister, Franco Frattini, called for a new level of EU cooperation and "an ambitious new development and stability pact" that includes: more money for the Mediterranean project, development to build jobs and strengthen the ineffective Union for the Mediterranean, and the creation of a Marshall Plan for the Mediterranean. n46 "What if the Arab spring turns to winter?" n47 Likewise, the EU's development policy, focused on these and other parts of Africa, contributes to stability of the regions and addresses dire human needs while advancing the EU's existing commitment to the United Nations' Millennium Development Goals. n48 "Europe has vast [*153] experience, having developed aid programmes at EU and national levels, and having created institutions such as the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development to put central and eastern Europe on the path to democracy and a market economy." n49 The EU remains the largest aid donor in the world. n50


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