National Convention in Los Angeles

3.10 After the Convention

Kennedy’s nomination revived the Catholic issue again. According to the National Conference of Citizens for Religious Freedom, “Roman Catholic Church with its dual role as both a church and a temporal state, made Kennedy’s faith a legitimate issue in the campaign” (Dallek, Unfinished Life 282). Kennedy decided to confront the issue of religion again. He agreed to talk in front of a group of Protestant ministers in Houston on September 12, 1960. Despite his advisors’ objections, he also agreed to answer any questions without a previous preparation. At the beginning of his speech, Kennedy emphasized that although religion was “the chief topic” of the discussion, there were “far more critical issues to face in the 1960 election” (Kennedy, “Speech of Senator John F. Kennedy, Greater Houston”). He named the problem of spreading Communism, problems with poverty and health care in the USA and the struggle to keep pace with the Russians – there was a general fear that the United States were falling behind the communist countries in technology and science. He asked to be judged on the basis of his “record of 14 years in Congress” instead of judging him on the basis of pamphlets and publications which were launched against him (ibid.). All the questions asked by the ministers were answered by Kennedy with “confidence and poise” (O’Brien 477). According to O’Brien, this speech was one of the most “powerful” and important in his career and it even led to certain positive changes (478). Christian Century (Christian magazine based in Chicago) became neutral and did not oppose Kennedy any more. Christianity in Crisis (journal focused on modern theology) even became supportive.

Kennedy’s opponents often emphasized that Kennedy had very little experience in the foreign affairs and Republicans kept pointing out that Kennedy was unsuitable for the White House due to his young age. His wife Jacqueline was also in their eyes “too young to be the First Lady” (Dallek, Unfinished Life 281). Kennedy decided to use his youth as a benefit. In many of his speeches he stated that a new, more energetic generation was needed to govern the country in order to deal with numerous domestic and foreign affair issues.

3.11Phone Call to Coretta King

Kennedy later commented on his action saying: “She is a friend of mine and I was concerned about the situation” (Kennedy, “Statement by Senator John F. Kennedy on Telephone Call”). Robert and other aides strongly disapproved of Kennedy’s action when they found out. They were afraid of losing votes from white conservative Democrats. However, Robert Kennedy changed his opinion a day later and called Judge Oscar Mitchell (who had sentenced Reverend King) in Atlanta. Robert Kennedy strongly criticized the judge for not allowing King to pay bail. King was released on bail the day after Robert Kennedy’s call. According to Stern, Louis Martin contacted Robert Kennedy and told him that Nixon was about to call a press conference in order to criticize King’s arrest and subsequent punishment by several Democrats who were members of the judiciary (Calculating Visions 35).

O’Brien states that this is the official version; however, there are some other “important facts” to be mentioned (487). According to him, John Kennedy contacted Ernest Vandiver, Governor of Georgia, and asked him to take an action in favor of releasing King. The governor refused any public action but he contacted the judge of DeKalb County who eventually agreed to release King. Then John Kennedy told his brother to call the judge in order to cover up the Vandiver’s involvement. Regardless of the sequence of events, John F. Kennedy’s phone call to Coretta King and Robert F. Kennedy’s phone call to the judge influenced Martin Luther King and he publicly changed his endorsement from Nixon to Kennedy. He appealed to other voters to do so as well. He said: “It’s time for all of us to take off our Nixon button” (Williams 143). King also praised Kennedy for “moral courage of high order” (Stern, Calculating Visions 36).

John Siegenthaler, Robert Kennedy’s administrative assistant during the campaign, noted that “suddenly civil rights was a crucial part of that 1960 campaign...” (ibid. 35). Popular newspapers in African American communities devoted a lot of space to Kennedy’s action. Kennedy’s campaign staff had copied and distributed two million copies of a pamphlet³⁸ describing the phone calls. Kennedy’s advisors on civil rights did not see it as propaganda but rather as “just reporting what had been said” (ibid. 37). According to Brauer, Kennedy’s phone call “demonstrated sensitivity to the black political temper that was missing in Nixon campaign” (51). Nixon did not get involved in the affair. Although Kennedy expressed his concern over the injustice and he did not hesitate to express his support in this matter, he used it very well to his own profit by publicizing the case in media. The publicity which was given to this case was certainly encouraged by his team.