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Nationalist Action Party (MHP)



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3.2 Nationalist Action Party (MHP)


The Nationalist Action Party is a nationalist, conservative political party which was founded under the name Republican Peasants National Party in 1958. It was not party of remarkable importance until the period after the 1960 coup, when Alparslan Türkeş, one of the coup’s main organizers, joined it, and changed its name to the Nationalist Action Party. Türkeş as a member of the post-coup ruling council (the National Unity Council) had been a part of the faction that favored changing the constitution to significantly lessen the influence of political parties. In the MHP, this authoritarian streak developed into a notion that entailed subservience to the state above all (Parslow 2007: 33).

Since the MHP has its roots in the army, its willingness to embrace illegal activities has been one of the main factors serving to differentiate the MHP’s brand of nationalism from that of the Kemalism of the CHP. Like the CHP, the 1980 coup came as a shock to the MHP, which up until then had seen itself as a serving the interests of the state against its enemies. After it was refounded in 1983, a religious dimension was added to its ethnic and racial mythology concerning Turkish nationhood, resulting in a concept called the “Islam-Turk synthesis”. This implied a break with the secularist tradition, but its emphasis on support for the army was strengthened again in the nineties.38 The party’s history has been marked by its ideological preoccupation with the protection of the territorial integrity of the state and maintaining an ethnic-based homogeneity of Turkish identity39 (Keyman, Öniş 2007: 219).

The party has regarded itself consistently as a party of the centre, supporting the state and army above all, at the same time it has succeeded in alienating much of the traditional centre elite through its extremism and occasionally flirting with Islam (Parslow 2007: 34).

In the general elections in 2002 MHP did not gain any seats as it had only won 8.3% of the national vote.40 In 2007 Parliamentary elections, the party won 14.3% of the votes and 71 seats in the parliament.

Regarding the EU issue, MHP is considered to be opposing to Turkey’s membership in the EU but their leader Devlet Bahçeli claims that on the contrary the party is not against it at all. The only thing that MHP opposes is the notion of second-class membership and the double-standards that Turkey is facing sometimes during the process.41

The party held similar attitude when it participated in the government coalition in the years 1999-2002. It did not reject the membership totally, but as the leader Bahçeli stated that they ‘want to take part in this Union, but this participation should be in compliance with the magnitude, history and potential of our country. It is hard to claim that EU administration is quite aware of Turkey’s efforts and contributions to the Union so far’ (Bahçeli 2002, cited in Avcı 2004: 199).

MHP is a nationalist party which implies that their economic policy is not very compatible with the fully liberal markets of EU, however, the party members do not suggest that everything should be under state control, they are rather in the middle position concerning the economic policies. They do not have a representative for the EU. They regard EU as an economic and political cooperation that could be good for Turkey if Turkey was not seen as a second-class candidate. They state that the relations will be the best if Turkey is considered and treated as an equal partner with the EU otherwise it would be disrespectful to the Turkish nation.

In the party’s basic program MHP declares that Turkey, besides presenting a big market, has a sizable potential for political and economic integration and all these factors increase Turkey's importance for its international partners. MHP supports Turkey's membership in the EU and believes that reciprocal cooperation and understanding between each other are needed. Turkey’s relations with the EU show that Turkey wants to have strategic partnerships and not just a regional integration initiative in the social, political and economic areas. Partial relations are not possible anymore so that the relations with the EU should be based on equality that will embrace both sides. MHP does not approach the foreign relations with prejudice but examines the external relations with a realistic view. The most important concern of the EU member states should be respecting the unity and integrity of Turkish Republic. The regard that the EU states will show in this sense will constitute the relations with these states in future (MHP program).

In the election program of 2007 MHP mentions EU under the foreign relations part. The relations with the EU according to them have become like a kind of a dream aim because of the concessions that the AKP government has given so far and because of the unequal treatment that EU carries out. They criticize EU harshly because of making the Cyprus issue as a condition for membership, they want to analyze the membership issue realistically together with the EU because when observing the current situation they do not believe that Turkey will be accepted as a full member and will be treated equally with the other EU states. In other areas of the program MHP does not mention EU but in almost all of their economic plan there are policies that EU integration process requires, which means reducing the disparities among regions, achieving the goal of sustainable development etc. Besides these, they criticize the AKP government because of creating a weak Turkish foreign policy under the influence of EU and US.

The party does not participate in any international or European affiliation.



3.3 Justice and Development Party (AKP)


Justice and Development Party was formed by a reformist faction of moderate conservative members within the now-banned Welfare Party in 2001, in an attempt to ground moderate conservative politics in a secular democratic framework. It is a broad political coalition including liberal intellectuals and religious conservatives, and is sometimes described by political analysts as pragmatic, or even as post-Islamist (Korab-Karpowicz 2008: 90). AKP shifted the focus of religiously-affiliated politics from concern over Turkey’s lack of Islamic characteristics to pushing for democratic and economic reforms in addition to stressing moral values through the communitarian-liberal consensus. The image the party tries to project today lies closer to the Christian democratic parties of Western Europe42 than to its Islamist predecessors (Hale 2006 cited in Parslow 2007: 37). Also Ahmad stresses that the party had a broad social base and it would be incorrect to call it the party of ‘political Islam’ (Ahmad 2003: 182).

The leader of the AKP, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was sentenced to four months in 199843, which kept him out of the office of Prime Minister for a few months in 2002 as convicts cannot be elected to Parliament. Hence Abdullah Gül was appointed prime minister in November 2002. He was regarded as caretaker prime minister until the constitution is amended, allowing Erdoğan to take his place. The AKP managed to reform the laws in January 2003 and hold a by-election to ensure Erdoğan’s membership in Parliament and thus his appointment to the office which happened in March 2002 (Ahmad 2003: 183; Aydın 2005: 204).

As some of the most important basic principles we can cite advocating the freedoms of religion and conscience, of thought and expression, of enterprise and the right to organize as indispensable principles on every platform, impartiality and full independence of the judiciary, the independence of the State, and the indivisible integrity of the country and nation, as a fundamental principle and the concept of principled, honest, ethical and steadfast politics. Among the principles in the main policies we can observe the conviction that the State should not be involved in any kind of economic activity, the economic function of the state is regulatory and supervisory, economic stability can be achieved by growth to be achieved by investments, support should be dedicated to investments that will increase employment (AKP program).

In the 2002 AKP won a landslide victory over all other parties, and with 34,3% of votes gained 363 of 550 seats. This enabled it to create the single party government, first since1987 and the most powerful government since the ten-year era of the populist Democrat Party in the 1950s (Parslow 2007: 37).

This phenomenal success of the AKP was not simply due to the power of its ideology but to a combination of factors. The most significant included the weaknesses of other political parties and the inability of the existing coalition government to stop the economic crisis, rising unemployment, high inflation and corruption and to provide a platform for true democracy. The voters decided to punish the three ruling parties with leaders who would never let go of the leadership regardless of how poor their election results (Aydın 2005: 205).

Keyman and Öniş assume that the AKP strategy for winning support from the various segments of Turkish society had three dimensions. First, AKP leaders such as the former Istanbul mayor Erdoğan distanced their party from the Islamist label and sought to appeal to the widest possible swath of voters by present as a center-right formation that was ready to face the urgent problems of the Turkish economy. Second after this emphasis on competence over ideology was a message of integrity and fairness. Third, AKP states that democracy constitutes the fundamental and effective basis for the long-term solution to Turkey’s problems and this emphasis on democracy continued as a major theme in the AKP’s discourse on the protection of individual rights and freedoms, as well as in its support for the additional internal reforms that will have to occur if Turkey is ever to accede to full EU membership (Keyman, Öniş 2007: 165-166).

According to the polls, the voters wanted a new leader and not a new party and Erdoğan fitted the bill. He was a new kind of leader who did not come out of the system as did most of his rivals. He was the symbol of the party and not its sole leader and he was being persecuted and prosecuted by the establishment (Ahmad 2003: 181).

In the following election in 2007 the AKP achieved again a broad victory and with 46.6% of the vote took under control 341 of the 550 available parliamentary seats.44 Although the AK Party received significantly more votes in 2007 than in 2002, the number of parliamentary seats they controlled decreased due to the rules of the Turkish electoral system.45

AKP has the EU membership topic in its agenda since the party became the majority party in 2002 and then reaffirmed their commitment when they were re-elected. The plan of AK Party is to accomplish the candidacy requirements in maximum of ten years and then become a full member. In their program they mention EU in the foreign policy section and have also a separate section fort he relations with the EU. The party members stress that EU membership is not obligatory but voluntary and Turkey is committed to get the full membership. They assert that EU is a rich men’s club and when Turkey is admitted to the club, she will be one of them.

They also mention the Alliance of Civilizations that is founded by Turkey and Spain and expresses how Turkey functions as a bridge between civilizations and how she is faced towards the West but does not turn its back to the East. Their other argument is that Turkey has been doing reforms to have a better democracy, economics etc. They think that EU will be beneficial for Turkey in every aspect. The EU issue is presented in the government agenda as well.

In the election program of 2007 AKP talks about EU throughout its economic and social policy areas. They are committed to the goal of becoming a full member and therefore they make reforms in the economic, social and political areas according to the pre-accession agreement. The party mentions the need to reduce disparities among the regions of Turkey and also to increase competitiveness, increasing social welfare. They also state that they will work for better employment conditions by following the EU and International Labor Organization agreements.

Within the frame of the Central Executive Committee (CEC), which is the highest executive body of the Party and is composed of the Party chairman, deputy Party chairmen, the general secretary and the parliamentary group president and deputy group presidents, there is also position of Deputy Chairman in charge of foreign relations and foreign representative offices. This Chairman manages the foreign relations of the Party and provides the coordination between various institutions and organizations that are parts of the foreign policy-making process. In this framework, informs the government, the party group, local party bodies and the public about ongoing and planned policies. He/she establishes dialogue with other political parties, in the first instance with EU member countries, in neighboring countries and in countries having significant roles in regional and global policies; establishing and promoting bilateral or multilateral relations with them, conducts lobbying activities to introduce Turkey and the Party and to improve good impressions of both abroad.

The Deputy Chairman for foreign relations also provides the public with information about the foreign policies of the Party via the foreign and domestic press, and creates interflow of information between the Party and the public. Through promoting the atmosphere of cooperation and the mutual dialogue with civil society organizations, universities and other associations and institutes on the formation of the foreign policy opinions of the Party, creates the opportunity of evaluating their contributions in the decision-making process. The Deputy Chairman establishes foreign representation offices of the Justice and Development Party and/or forms organizational structures abroad (AKP: Organization). At the European level, the AK Party is an observer at European People’s Party.



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