Neoliberalism K—UMich 2013 neg 1NCs 1NC: Generic



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Perm Blocks

Perm – Do Both

Group the permutations

  1. There’s not articulated net benefit to the perm – don’t let them concoct one later

2. If we win any other links the k is competitive and we win the perm – here’s some link args


[Link Analysis]

3. Perm fails--The revolution is coopted by institutional politics and any capitalist involvement


Katz, economist, researcher at the National Council of Science and Technology (CNCT), professor of economics at the University of Buenos Aires 07-- (Claudio, “Socialist Strategies in Latin America”, Monthly Review 59:4, 9/07, ProQuest)//AS

The Latin American left is once again discussing the paths to socialism. The correlation of forces has changed through popular action, the crisis of neoliberalism, and U.S. imperialism's loss of offensive capability. lt is no longer relevant to juxtapose a revolutionary political period of the past with a conservative present. The social weakness of the industrial working class does not impede anti-capitalist progress, which depends on the exploited and the oppressed uniting in common struggle. What is crucial is the level of popular consciousness. The latter has forged new anti-liberal and anti-imperialist convictions, but an anti- capitalist link, which an open debate about twenty-first century socialism could foster, is still missing. The constitutional framework that replaced the dictatorships does not impede the left's development. But the left must avoid institutional co-optation without turning its back on the electoral process. Electoral participation can be made compatible with the promotion of people's power. Movements and parties fulfill a complementary function since social struggle is not self-sufficient and partisan organization is neces- sary. Yet it is essential to avoid sectarian posturing and to include im mediate improvements as part of the revolutionary agenda. This principle governs all socialist strategy.



4. Capitalism is doomed to fail—rejection is key to avoid rampant exceptional violence


Springer,assistant Professor in the Department of Geography at the University of Victoria12 (Simon, “Neoliberalising violence: of the exceptional and the exemplary in coalescing moments”, Area 44:2, Royal Geographical Society, 2012, Wiley Online)//AS

The point of our critiques should not be to temper neoliberalism with concessions and niceties, as capitalism of any sort is doomed to fail. The logics of creative destruction, uneven development and unlimited expansion – which stoke the fires of conflict and contradict the finite limitations of the earth – are capitalism’s undoing regardless of the form it takes (Harvey 2007). Hence, what instead needs to be occurring in our scholarship on neoliberalism is a more thorough radicalisation of our agenda, where the purpose becomes to consign neoliberalism and all other forms of capitalism to the waste bin of history, so that the ‘exceptional’ and ‘exemplary’ violence of this maligned chapter of human existence become disturbing abominations from our past, not enduring realities of our present, or conceded inevitabilities of our future. What I mean by exceptional violence is that violence which appears to fall outside of the rule, usually by being so profound in its manifestation. Exceptional violence forces those who bear witness to its implications to recognise its malevolence precisely because of the sheer shock and horror that is unleashed. Consequently, exceptional violence is jarring and elicits a deep emotional response. Yet, exceptional violence is only exceptional in the reaction it provokes and, as the proverb ‘the exception proves the rule’ hints, exceptional violence is not beyond the bounds of the normative, but instead actually always exists in a co-constitutive relationship with exemplary violence, or that violence which forms the rule.



5. The alt draws a line in the sand – your use of the state puts you on the same level as the elite exploiting the poor – that’s another link




Perm – Pragmatism

1. Perm fails – Neoliberalism coopts and appropriates resistance movements—coexistence is impossible


Clarke, Professor of Social Policy at the Open University 08 (John, “Living with/in and without neo-liberalism”, Focaal 51, 2008, http://oro.open.ac.uk/18127/1/10_Clarke.pdf)//AS

By cohabitation I mean to identify the problem of how neo-liberalism lives with “others” in the world. As a political–cultural project it must find ways of engaging with other projects, seeking to displace, subordinate, or appropriate them. Most attention has been focused on the work of displacement—the exclusion, marginalization, or residualization of other projects, discourses, and ways of imagining the world and life within it. There are also the processes of subordination and appropriation. Each of these terms accounts for the continued place of alternative political– cultural projects in a neo-liberal dominated or directed assemblage. Subordination points to the allocation of secondary or subsidiary roles for other institutions, practices, and discourses: allowed to function but in more confined spaces, with narrowed scope (residual versions of the “social” or “welfarism,” perhaps; Clarke, 2007). Appropriation points to a more active process that some have described as cooption or incorporation. For example, Kothari (2005), writing about the politics of development, argues that the neo-liberal agenda “co-opted the ‘alternative’ critical discourses” of development. As a consequence: Forms of alternative development become institutionalized and less distinct from conventional, mainstream development discourse and practice. … This strategy of appropriation reduced spaces of critique and dissent, since the inclusion and appropriation of ostensibly radical discourses limited the potential for challenge from outside the mainstream to orthodox development planning and practice… .As these approaches were adopted they were embedded within a neoliberal discourse … and became increasingly technicalised, subject to regimes of professionalisation which institutionalized forms of knowledge, analytical skills, tools, techniques and frameworks. (Kothari 2005: 438–9) This view of co-optation hints at the discursive and political work of articulation—taking existing discourses, projects, practices, and imaginaries and reworking them within a framing neoliberal conception of development and its place in the world. Just as Kothari points to the incorporation of alternative/critical approaches to development, and work on “difference” points to the reworking of radical politics of difference into a normalized model of the individual consumer citizen (Richardson 2005), so other wouldbe transformative political projects have been appropriated and reworked through a neo-liberal frame. Dagnino (2006), writing about struggles over citizenship in Brazil, points to the “perverse confluence” between key organizing ideas and principles of social movements and neoliberal politics, especially those of “participation” and citizenship, which were centrally articulated by radical movements: Living with/in and without neo-liberalism | 139 s10_fcl510110 4/9/08 9:27 PM Page 139There is thus a perverse confluence between, on the one hand, participation as part of a project constructed around the extension of citizenship and the deepening of democracy, and on the other hand, participation associated with the project of a minimal state that requires the shrinking of its social responsibilities and its progressive exemption from the role of guarantor of rights. The perversity of this confluence reflects the fact that, although pointing to opposite and even antagonistic directions, both projects require an active, proactive civil society… A particularly important aspect of the perverse confluence is precisely the notion of citizenship, which is now being redefined through a series of discursive shifts to make it suitable for use by neo-liberal forces. This new redefinition, part of the struggle between different political projects, attests to the symbolic power of citizenship and the mobilizing capacity it has demonstrated in organizing subaltern sectors around democratizing projects. The need to neutralize these features of citizenship, while trying to retain its symbolical power, has made its appropriation by neo-liberal forces necessary (Dagnino 2006: 158f.; emphasis in original). Dagnino talks about the political frustration and confusion resulting from the “apparently shared discourse” (2006: 162) in ways that are echoed by Bondi and Laurie’s observations about the “sense of uncertainty, ambivalence and perplexity about the politics of the processes we were observing and analyzing” (2005: 394). This “confusion” emerges precisely at the point of appropriation, articulation, and transformation exercised by the neo-liberal re-framing of existing radical and alternative discourses. Neo-liberalism is marked by a capacity to bend these words (and the political and cultural imaginaries they carry) to new purposes.

2. There’s no articulated net benefit to the perm – don’t let them concoct one later




3. Perm fails--The revolution is coopted by institutional politics and any capitalist involvement


Katz, economist, researcher at the National Council of Science and Technology (CNCT), professor of economics at the University of Buenos Aires 07-- (Claudio, “Socialist Strategies in Latin America”, Monthly Review 59:4, 9/07, ProQuest)//AS

The Latin American left is once again discussing the paths to socialism. The correlation of forces has changed through popular action, the crisis of neoliberalism, and U.S. imperialism's loss of offensive capability. lt is no longer relevant to juxtapose a revolutionary political period of the past with a conservative present. The social weakness of the industrial working class does not impede anti-capitalist progress, which depends on the exploited and the oppressed uniting in common struggle. What is crucial is the level of popular consciousness. The latter has forged new anti-liberal and anti-imperialist convictions, but an anti- capitalist link, which an open debate about twenty-first century socialism could foster, is still missing. The constitutional framework that replaced the dictatorships does not impede the left's development. But the left must avoid institutional co-optation without turning its back on the electoral process. Electoral participation can be made compatible with the promotion of people's power. Movements and parties fulfill a complementary function since social struggle is not self-sufficient and partisan organization is neces- sary. Yet it is essential to avoid sectarian posturing and to include im mediate improvements as part of the revolutionary agenda. This principle governs all socialist strategy.



4. Capitalism is doomed to fail—rejection is key to avoid rampant exceptional violence


Springer,assistant Professor in the Department of Geography at the University of Victoria12 (Simon, “Neoliberalising violence: of the exceptional and the exemplary in coalescing moments”, Area 44:2, Royal Geographical Society, 2012, Wiley Online)//AS

The point of our critiques should not be to temper neoliberalism with concessions and niceties, as capitalism of any sort is doomed to fail. The logics of creative destruction, uneven development and unlimited expansion – which stoke the fires of conflict and contradict the finite limitations of the earth – are capitalism’s undoing regardless of the form it takes (Harvey 2007). Hence, what instead needs to be occurring in our scholarship on neoliberalism is a more thorough radicalisation of our agenda, where the purpose becomes to consign neoliberalism and all other forms of capitalism to the waste bin of history, so that the ‘exceptional’ and ‘exemplary’ violence of this maligned chapter of human existence become disturbing abominations from our past, not enduring realities of our present, or conceded inevitabilities of our future. What I mean by exceptional violence is that violence which appears to fall outside of the rule, usually by being so profound in its manifestation. Exceptional violence forces those who bear witness to its implications to recognise its malevolence precisely because of the sheer shock and horror that is unleashed. Consequently, exceptional violence is jarring and elicits a deep emotional response. Yet, exceptional violence is only exceptional in the reaction it provokes and, as the proverb ‘the exception proves the rule’ hints, exceptional violence is not beyond the bounds of the normative, but instead actually always exists in a co-constitutive relationship with exemplary violence, or that violence which forms the rule.




Perm – All Other Instances

1. This is intrinsic – our alternative isn’t about other instances except in this round and that’s a voter.


A. Decreases clash - the aff can get out of every disad or counterplan with intrinsicness discouraging participation in debate.

B. Makes the aff a moving target- perm advocates the plan and action not endorsed by the 1AC. Key to predictable ground and strategy.

C. Infinitely regressive- their perm could do the plan, the counterplan, and create world peace or bake a pie, the neg won’t be able to predict which way they could add something to the perm.

D. It’s a voter for fairness and education.

2. There’s not articulated net benefit to the perm – don’t let them concoct one later

3. Can’t solve -The “other instances” they reject aren’t present in this round. It’s not in the judge’s jurisdiction to reject something that doesn’t exist. Our argument deals with the in-round interactions in which we debate through certain modes of knowledge-production.

4. Rejection now is key to avoid rampant exceptional violence


Springer,assistant Professor in the Department of Geography at the University of Victoria12 (Simon, “Neoliberalising violence: of the exceptional and the exemplary in coalescing moments”, Area 44:2, Royal Geographical Society, 2012, Wiley Online)//AS

The point of our critiques should not be to temper neoliberalism with concessions and niceties, as capitalism of any sort is doomed to fail. The logics of creative destruction, uneven development and unlimited expansion – which stoke the fires of conflict and contradict the finite limitations of the earth – are capitalism’s undoing regardless of the form it takes (Harvey 2007). Hence, what instead needs to be occurring in our scholarship on neoliberalism is a more thorough radicalisation of our agenda, where the purpose becomes to consign neoliberalism and all other forms of capitalism to the waste bin of history, so that the ‘exceptional’ and ‘exemplary’ violence of this maligned chapter of human existence become disturbing abominations from our past, not enduring realities of our present, or conceded inevitabilities of our future. What I mean by exceptional violence is that violence which appears to fall outside of the rule, usually by being so profound in its manifestation. Exceptional violence forces those who bear witness to its implications to recognise its malevolence precisely because of the sheer shock and horror that is unleashed. Consequently, exceptional violence is jarring and elicits a deep emotional response. Yet, exceptional violence is only exceptional in the reaction it provokes and, as the proverb ‘the exception proves the rule’ hints, exceptional violence is not beyond the bounds of the normative, but instead actually always exists in a co-constitutive relationship with exemplary violence, or that violence which forms the rule.



5. Resistance requires removing engagement—they cannot coexist and perm fails


Albo, Department of Political Science, York University, 06 (Gregory, “The Unexpected Revolution: Venezuela Confronts Neoliberalism”, Presentation at the University of Alberta, International Development Week, 1/06, http://socialistproject.ca/theory/venezuela_praksis.pdf)//AS

There has been a traditional view on the Left on the steps for undertaking an anti-capitalist transformation: seize the commanding heights of the economy; close-off financial speculation and bring the banks into the public fold; seal-off international private capital flows; impose central production mandates on industry and point the state bureaucracy toward new public goals; develop forms of workers' governance and rights in workplaces; and form any number of commissions to address pressing social needs. These are, indeed, tasks that in some senses cannot be avoided: the challenge has been partly in the timing, specifying the new means of administration and co- ordination, and fostering the extension of popular and democratic capacities. The presumption has been of a disciplined party acting at the centre of the state could work with cadres and workers across a decentralized base to allow the unleashing of an inherent anti-capitalist logic. In historical social revolutions, this vision has proven fraught in both theory and practice. These tasks are all aligned, moreover, quite differently when there has not been a singular political rupture breaking the old regime. In the case of Venezuela the initial agenda involved consolidating the political base for the Chavez regime and fostering the organizational formation of new social forces. This has meant - to the extent a temporal ordering can be discerned at all- developing an anti-neoliberal programme as the foundation from which to deepen the processes of socialization and nationalization. In other words, the project has been to develop a new co- operative, participatory and solidaristic logic that could consolidate against the logic of private property and capital accumulation to break the material and visionary constraints of neoliberalism. With such an overarching objective of opening new political spaces, it is not easy to catalogue all the new initiatives of the Bolivarian programme. Some of the key policy fronts for deepening the class struggle can, however, be highlighted.

6. Perm fails--The revolution is coopted by institutional politics and any capitalist involvement


Katz, economist, researcher at the National Council of Science and Technology (CNCT), professor of economics at the University of Buenos Aires 07-- (Claudio, “Socialist Strategies in Latin America”, Monthly Review 59:4, 9/07, ProQuest)//AS

The Latin American left is once again discussing the paths to socialism. The correlation of forces has changed through popular action, the crisis of neoliberalism, and U.S. imperialism's loss of offensive capability. lt is no longer relevant to juxtapose a revolutionary political period of the past with a conservative present. The social weakness of the industrial working class does not impede anti-capitalist progress, which depends on the exploited and the oppressed uniting in common struggle. What is crucial is the level of popular consciousness. The latter has forged new anti-liberal and anti-imperialist convictions, but an anti- capitalist link, which an open debate about twenty-first century socialism could foster, is still missing. The constitutional framework that replaced the dictatorships does not impede the left's development. But the left must avoid institutional co-optation without turning its back on the electoral process. Electoral participation can be made compatible with the promotion of people's power. Movements and parties fulfill a complementary function since social struggle is not self-sufficient and partisan organization is neces- sary. Yet it is essential to avoid sectarian posturing and to include im mediate improvements as part of the revolutionary agenda. This principle governs all socialist strategy.



Perm – Double Bind

1. Severance – the perm severs out of plan text to solve back links and impacts which guts neg ground – voter for education and fairness

2. Perm crushes the space needed for the alt to function – they are a rejection of ____(Insert alt)____

3. Double bind is wrong


a. The permutation cannot overcome the links outlined above and later on the flow- true communism is only possible without the state. The plan removes the possibility of affirming the communist hypothesis. They will never win ‘compromise good’.

b. Doesn’t prove critique wrong - just like if we cp out by saying the same thing as plan wouldn’t mean you vote neg, the aff saying this doesn’t mean they get our advocacy. We are an unconditional criticism of the system.

4. Rejection now is key to avoid rampant exceptional violence


Springer,assistant Professor in the Department of Geography at the University of Victoria12 (Simon, “Neoliberalising violence: of the exceptional and the exemplary in coalescing moments”, Area 44:2, Royal Geographical Society, 2012, Wiley Online)//AS

The point of our critiques should not be to temper neoliberalism with concessions and niceties, as capitalism of any sort is doomed to fail. The logics of creative destruction, uneven development and unlimited expansion – which stoke the fires of conflict and contradict the finite limitations of the earth – are capitalism’s undoing regardless of the form it takes (Harvey 2007). Hence, what instead needs to be occurring in our scholarship on neoliberalism is a more thorough radicalisation of our agenda, where the purpose becomes to consign neoliberalism and all other forms of capitalism to the waste bin of history, so that the ‘exceptional’ and ‘exemplary’ violence of this maligned chapter of human existence become disturbing abominations from our past, not enduring realities of our present, or conceded inevitabilities of our future. What I mean by exceptional violence is that violence which appears to fall outside of the rule, usually by being so profound in its manifestation. Exceptional violence forces those who bear witness to its implications to recognise its malevolence precisely because of the sheer shock and horror that is unleashed. Consequently, exceptional violence is jarring and elicits a deep emotional response. Yet, exceptional violence is only exceptional in the reaction it provokes and, as the proverb ‘the exception proves the rule’ hints, exceptional violence is not beyond the bounds of the normative, but instead actually always exists in a co-constitutive relationship with exemplary violence, or that violence which forms the rule.



5. Resistance requires removing engagement—they cannot coexist and perm fails


Albo, Department of Political Science, York University, 06 (Gregory, “The Unexpected Revolution: Venezuela Confronts Neoliberalism”, Presentation at the University of Alberta, International Development Week, 1/06, http://socialistproject.ca/theory/venezuela_praksis.pdf)//AS

There has been a traditional view on the Left on the steps for undertaking an anti-capitalist transformation: seize the commanding heights of the economy; close-off financial speculation and bring the banks into the public fold; seal-off international private capital flows; impose central production mandates on industry and point the state bureaucracy toward new public goals; develop forms of workers' governance and rights in workplaces; and form any number of commissions to address pressing social needs. These are, indeed, tasks that in some senses cannot be avoided: the challenge has been partly in the timing, specifying the new means of administration and co- ordination, and fostering the extension of popular and democratic capacities. The presumption has been of a disciplined party acting at the centre of the state could work with cadres and workers across a decentralized base to allow the unleashing of an inherent anti-capitalist logic. In historical social revolutions, this vision has proven fraught in both theory and practice. These tasks are all aligned, moreover, quite differently when there has not been a singular political rupture breaking the old regime. In the case of Venezuela the initial agenda involved consolidating the political base for the Chavez regime and fostering the organizational formation of new social forces. This has meant - to the extent a temporal ordering can be discerned at all- developing an anti-neoliberal programme as the foundation from which to deepen the processes of socialization and nationalization. In other words, the project has been to develop a new co- operative, participatory and solidaristic logic that could consolidate against the logic of private property and capital accumulation to break the material and visionary constraints of neoliberalism. With such an overarching objective of opening new political spaces, it is not easy to catalogue all the new initiatives of the Bolivarian programme. Some of the key policy fronts for deepening the class struggle can, however, be highlighted.

6. Perm fails--The revolution is coopted by institutional politics and any capitalist involvement


Katz, economist, researcher at the National Council of Science and Technology (CNCT), professor of economics at the University of Buenos Aires 07-- (Claudio, “Socialist Strategies in Latin America”, Monthly Review 59:4, 9/07, ProQuest)//AS

The Latin American left is once again discussing the paths to socialism. The correlation of forces has changed through popular action, the crisis of neoliberalism, and U.S. imperialism's loss of offensive capability. lt is no longer relevant to juxtapose a revolutionary political period of the past with a conservative present. The social weakness of the industrial working class does not impede anti-capitalist progress, which depends on the exploited and the oppressed uniting in common struggle. What is crucial is the level of popular consciousness. The latter has forged new anti-liberal and anti-imperialist convictions, but an anti- capitalist link, which an open debate about twenty-first century socialism could foster, is still missing. The constitutional framework that replaced the dictatorships does not impede the left's development. But the left must avoid institutional co-optation without turning its back on the electoral process. Electoral participation can be made compatible with the promotion of people's power. Movements and parties fulfill a complementary function since social struggle is not self-sufficient and partisan organization is neces- sary. Yet it is essential to avoid sectarian posturing and to include im mediate improvements as part of the revolutionary agenda. This principle governs all socialist strategy.



Perm – Plan Focus/Sever reps

1. This is severance –alt is a rejection of the 1AC and it’s reps. The perm severs portions of their speech act because it rejects their reps. It’s kinda impossible to do the 1AC and reject it simultaneously

2. Strat Skew - Our strat is based on their speech acts. Allowing them to reject portions of their prior speech acts moots our prep and means no neg can ever win. This a voting issue if they skew our time by extending this later in the debate.

3. Not net beneficial—They don’t articulate a net benefit to the perm – It’s more important to forge a movement capable of ending ___(Insert Impact Analysis)___

4. Resistance requires removing engagement—they cannot coexist and perm fails


Albo, Department of Political Science, York University, 06 (Gregory, “The Unexpected Revolution: Venezuela Confronts Neoliberalism”, Presentation at the University of Alberta, International Development Week, 1/06, http://socialistproject.ca/theory/venezuela_praksis.pdf)//AS

There has been a traditional view on the Left on the steps for undertaking an anti-capitalist transformation: seize the commanding heights of the economy; close-off financial speculation and bring the banks into the public fold; seal-off international private capital flows; impose central production mandates on industry and point the state bureaucracy toward new public goals; develop forms of workers' governance and rights in workplaces; and form any number of commissions to address pressing social needs. These are, indeed, tasks that in some senses cannot be avoided: the challenge has been partly in the timing, specifying the new means of administration and co- ordination, and fostering the extension of popular and democratic capacities. The presumption has been of a disciplined party acting at the centre of the state could work with cadres and workers across a decentralized base to allow the unleashing of an inherent anti-capitalist logic. In historical social revolutions, this vision has proven fraught in both theory and practice. These tasks are all aligned, moreover, quite differently when there has not been a singular political rupture breaking the old regime. In the case of Venezuela the initial agenda involved consolidating the political base for the Chavez regime and fostering the organizational formation of new social forces. This has meant - to the extent a temporal ordering can be discerned at all- developing an anti-neoliberal programme as the foundation from which to deepen the processes of socialization and nationalization. In other words, the project has been to develop a new co- operative, participatory and solidaristic logic that could consolidate against the logic of private property and capital accumulation to break the material and visionary constraints of neoliberalism. With such an overarching objective of opening new political spaces, it is not easy to catalogue all the new initiatives of the Bolivarian programme. Some of the key policy fronts for deepening the class struggle can, however, be highlighted.

5. Perm fails--The revolution is coopted by institutional politics and any capitalist involvement


Katz, economist, researcher at the National Council of Science and Technology (CNCT), professor of economics at the University of Buenos Aires 07-- (Claudio, “Socialist Strategies in Latin America”, Monthly Review 59:4, 9/07, ProQuest)//AS

The Latin American left is once again discussing the paths to socialism. The correlation of forces has changed through popular action, the crisis of neoliberalism, and U.S. imperialism's loss of offensive capability. lt is no longer relevant to juxtapose a revolutionary political period of the past with a conservative present. The social weakness of the industrial working class does not impede anti-capitalist progress, which depends on the exploited and the oppressed uniting in common struggle. What is crucial is the level of popular consciousness. The latter has forged new anti-liberal and anti-imperialist convictions, but an anti- capitalist link, which an open debate about twenty-first century socialism could foster, is still missing. The constitutional framework that replaced the dictatorships does not impede the left's development. But the left must avoid institutional co-optation without turning its back on the electoral process. Electoral participation can be made compatible with the promotion of people's power. Movements and parties fulfill a complementary function since social struggle is not self-sufficient and partisan organization is neces- sary. Yet it is essential to avoid sectarian posturing and to include im mediate improvements as part of the revolutionary agenda. This principle governs all socialist strategy.

M


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