Neoliberalism K—UMich 2013 neg 1NCs 1NC: Generic



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Cuba

Investment in Cuba will not result in exploitation and the spread of neoliberalism


Carmona - Professor of Economics at the Universidad San Pablo. Spring 2000

(Antonio, “Cuba: Reforms and Adjustments Versus Transition,” International Journal of Political Economy. Vol 30.1, pp. 92. JSTOR)//SG



The constitutional reform allowed the amplification of the 1982 Decree Law No. 50, on foreign investment. In September 1995, theNational Assemblyof Popular Powerapproved theNewLaw on Foreign Investment, allowing foreign individu- als and companies, including Cubans living abroad, to invest in production and property in Cuba.36 This law codifies property rights for all foreign investors and does not discriminate according to nationality, meaning thatU.S. enterprises are welcome in Cuba. It also codifies the rights of nationals who work for foreign companies, and the profit-ratio for state-private joint ventures.According to the law, and in accordance with the constitutionabolishing the "exploitation of man by man," all Cuban workers remain employees of the stateand will receive state payment and securities, whereasthe government and foreign enterpriseswill reap and share profits in dollars.The profits made by theCubangovernmentin turnwill be used for the fortification of the welfare state,that is,to strengthen public- health services and educational facilities, as well as to repay foreign debt.

AT: Democracy

The twin pillars of neoliberalism and democracy have been successful in Latin America and will show better results once reforms evolve past the first generation.


Johnson 2003 – Senior Policy Analyst (Stephen, “Is Neoliberalism Dead In Latin America?”, The Heritage Foundation, September 4, 2003, http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2003/09/is-neoliberalism-dead-in-latin-america)//CS

For historical reasons, liberalism and supporting pillars of democracy and markets came late to many Latin American states and have had troubled histories in others. Core traditions such as the belief that sovereignty resides in the state and that only strong leaders can impose order seemed reasonable at the time of independence when minority European elites were pretty much the state and ruled over an uneducated populace.¶ But follow-on immigration, better education, and the need to keep up with economic progress elsewhere brought changes that challenged these traditions. In parts of Latin America that had known mostly dictatorship, a wave of democratization and preliminary market reforms swept through the region in the 1980s. Now all American states except Cuba have competitive elections and liberalized trade regimes.¶ What's more, countries that were marginally democratic have become more so with enhanced protection of human rights, freedom of speech, and preliminary efforts to decentralize governing authority. Even the Organization of American States, once a club of dictators, is now a forum that promotes markets and democracy.¶ But Argentina's fiscal collapse, political infighting in Guatemala, conflict over the dictatorial policies of President Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, and chaos in Haiti's nominal democracy make it seem that liberalism has been tried and doesn't work. While polling data collected by Latinobarómetro shows that Latin Americans clearly favor democracy over other political systems, they are largely disappointed with the results.¶ That's because democracy and markets-liberalism's twin pillars-have only evolved through first generation reforms-the election of public officials and the replacement of import substitution economies with more open trade. Without further development, there is little more these inputs can do to encourage free and prosperous societies.

AT: Environment

Capitalism allows for market-based solutions to the environment—more efficient and accepted by the public


Cox, crop geneticist and writer 04 (Stan, “Can capitalism be harnessed to solve environmental problems, or is capitalism itself the problem?”, Grist, 4/24/04, http://grist.org/article/cox-economy)//AS

Paul Hawken couldn’t agree less. [Editor's note: Read a Grist interviewwith Hawken.] When it comes to ideas for encouraging economic growth while preserving “natural capital” — natural resources and the ecological systems that support life — Hawken’s got a million of ‘em. He’s a business leader and environmentalist whose book Natural Capitalism, coauthored with Amory and Hunter Lovins, is packed with such ideas: everything from a proposal to establish markets in conserved energy (“negawatts”) to a blueprint for a super-efficient Hypercar, which, say the authors, has the capacity to haul the hydrogen economy from theory to reality.¶ Hawken told me, “Amory and I fully believe that a 99 percent reduction in the throughput of energy and resources is possible and will eventually occur.” Wow! How? One key is developing better technology; another is placing proper economic values on the ecosphere and its components. Once that’s done, Hawken and Lovins predict big gains in efficiency and a profusion of market-based environmental solutions.¶ Now, when efficiency is proposed as a key to sustainability, it brings to mind a paradox first posed by the 19th-century British economist William Stanley Jevons in his book The Coal Question. He noted that greater efficiency in the use of one resource, say coal, will increase profits, stimulate investment and growth, and lead to even greater consumption of coal and other resources.¶ When I asked Hawken about the paradox of efficiency, he said we have to take a whole-systems approach, and then Jevons’ argument won’t hold: “Dramatic increases in resource productivity must be accompanied by changes in subsidies and taxes that will lead to full-cost accounting. What we have now is the idea that it is too expensive to be radically productive. We tend to think it’s cheaper to double-glaze the planet than to convert to renewable energy.” What’s needed, he argues, is a complete revolution in worldview.¶ Hawken says that public policy and technology can push each other in the right direction: “For example, running cars on hydrogen is about five times the expense as gasoline. But if the car gets five times the efficiency per BTU, then there is no real cost difference. If you go to factor 10, then society is actually saving money by converting to hydrogen as a primary fuel source for transport. And we can begin to draw down [carbon dioxide] levels.”¶


Foreign investment is better for the environment—critical example and empirically improves overall environmental standards


Liverman and Vilas, Regents Professor of Geography and Development, and co-Director of the Institute of the Environment at the University of Arizona and Environmental Change Institute, Oxford University Center for the Environment respectively 06 (Diana and Silvina, “NEOLIBERALISM AND THE ENVIRONMENT IN LATIN AMERICA”, Annual Review of Environmental Resources, 6/23/06, University of Michigan Libraries)//AS

Several authors (53, 54) suggest that neoliberal policies, especially privatization, foreign investment, and export orientation, have brought improvements in environmental policies and practices to the mining industry in most developed countries. They argue that private mining firms are more efficient in extracting minerals and thus better at protecting the environment because they have better production methods, technologies, and environmental practices (in essence that there are scale, technique, and composition effects) and because they wish to avoid liability risks, comply with home country regulations, and conform to export market expectations. As a result, companies that remained state or locally owned had to adapt to higher production and environmental standards to remain competitive in the international market. Borregaard et al. (53) studied the Chilean copper mining industry following privatization and found that foreign mining companies adopted environmental policies that go far beyond national regulations while introducing environmental measures between 5 and 10 years earlier than their national counterparts (both private and public). The authors cite studies that show that environmental impact assessments conducted by foreign mining companies were instrumental in defining the environmental impact assessment framework for the Chilean Environmental Law and that foreign environmental technology and management systems have enabled the transfer and diffusion of technology within the country. Improvements in Chilean mining practices occurred in the context of the transition to more democratic government from the military regime that had repressed public, including environmental, protest. Additional pressure came from several law suits filed and processed against mining companies during the late 1980s and from lobbying by U.S. copper producers to raise import tariffs of Chilean copper on environmental grounds during the early 1990s (53). The International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED) (51), finding that historical problems of waste, water acidification, high-energy consumption, and atmospheric pollution have been greatly minimized, except in old pre-1990 mining sites, agrees with the positive influences of foreign investment on environmental performance in Chile. However, they also find that water extraction in northern arid areas (where mining activities are concentrated) is of considerable concern and has created conflicts with other traditional users such as farmers and indigenous groups. The use of underground water in some northern regions in Chile has reduced the availability of surface water for irrigation and even for supplies to small towns.





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