Nuclear Propulsion Neg



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Contamination D/A


Plutonium production process necessary for fuel contaminants workers

Gagnon 3 (Bruce, Coordinator of the Global Network Against Weapons & Nuclear Power in Space group, 1/27/3, http://www.spacedaily.com/news/nuclearspace-03b.html) JPG

Beyond accidents impacting the planet, the space nuclear production process at the DoE labs will lead to significant numbers of workers and communities being contaminated. Historically DoE has a bad track record when it comes to protecting workers and local water systems from radioactive contaminants. During the Cassini RTG fabrication process at Los Alamos 244 cases of worker contamination were reported to the DoE. Serious questions need to be asked: How will workers be protected? Where will they test the nuclear rocket? How much will it cost? What would be the impacts of a launch accidents?


Orion causes massive nuclear contamination – their evidence is a gross underestimate

Montgomerie 3 (Ian, Computer Sci @ Waterloo U, 12/30/3, http://www.alternatehistory.com/gateway/essays/OrionProblems.html) JPG

The biggest environmental problem associated with Orion is radioactive contamination from a ground launch. The people working on Orion produced some very rosy estimates of atmospheric contamination, roughly 1% of that produced by all atmospheric nuclear testing. Unfortunately, they based these figures on fission-free fusion bombs, a technology that they expected was just around the corner but which turned out not to be. Nuclear fission releases quite a lot of contamination compared to nuclear fusion. Since fusion bombs need a fission bomb to start their explosion, this means that actual nuclear weapons all tend to be fairly dirty. A fission bomb is nearly as dirty as a fusion bomb because most of a fusion bomb's contamination comes from its fission "trigger". The people working on Orion assumed that it would be able to use fusion bombs without a fission trigger, which would be extremely clean. Such a technology did not, however, arrive like they expected it would. This means that their original estimates of Orion contamination were off by an extraordinary amount. The launch of an actual Orion based on fission bombs would involve more than a megaton of fission explosions in the atmosphere, from perhaps 350 fission bombs (many would have an artificially reduced yield, but that doesn't reduce the amount of radioactive plutonium needed for them). While most of the explosions would not be near the ground and thus would not create direct fallout, the radioactive remains of the bombs themselves would be spread across the Earth. The radiation release from this would actually be very high. It was high enough that the US government of the 50s and 60s, which was conducting regular atmospheric nuclear testing, had serious misgivings about the amount of contamination Orion would produce. We are not talking about some stereotypical 90s "tree huggers" here, we are talking about the US government in the 50s and early 60s and even it was willing to concede that there was a limit to the amount of radiation that should be spewed into the atmosphere.
Plan would cause cancer
MacAvoy 4 (JJ, staff member of the William and Mary Environmental Law and Policy Review, "Nuclear Space and the Earth Environment: The Benefits, Danagers, and Legality of Nuclear Power and Propulsion in Outer Space," p. 216-217 jam)

In its risk assessment for the Cassini mission, NASA estimated that the likelihood of cancer fatalities due to the launch were one in one hundred thousand.18 2 It also estimated that the likelihood of cancer fatalities due to an accidental re-entry was one in one million. However, these statistics have been disputed by critics. "'I find that NASA bureaucrats in some sense are living in Fantasyland', says Michio Kaku, a physics professor at City University of New York. 'Pure guesswork has replaced rigorous physics. Many of these numbers are simply made up."8 4 Bruce Gagnon of the Global Network Against Weapons and Nuclear Power in Space noted that "[w]hen you look at the average failure rate for rockets, eventually, you are going to have a problem."8 5 Others have used the space shuttle Columbia tragedy in Texas to illustrate the strong possibility of an accident.86 "I think the [Columbia] tragedy definitely raises legitimate questions about the technical risks associated with the current space program," said Edwin Lyman, the head of the Nuclear Control Institute, "and should give anyone pause before we continue to expand nuclear capabilities in space."



Natives D/A


Nuclear production and weapons testing are conducted on Native American settlements – violates environmental justice

Kamps 1 (Kevin, Nuclear Waste Specialist, 2/15/1, http://www.nirs.org/factsheets/pfsejfactsheet.htm) JPG

Nevadans and Utahans living downwind and downstream from nuclear weapons testing, uranium mining, and radioactive waste dumping have suffered immensely during the Nuclear Age. But even in the "nuclear sacrifice zones" of the desert Southwest, it is Native Americans--from Navajo uranium miners to tribal communities targeted with atomic waste dumps-- who have borne the brunt of both the front and back ends of the nuclear fuel cycle. The tiny Skull Valley Band of Goshute Indians Reservation in Utah is targeted for a very big nuclear waste dump. Private Fuel Storage (PFS), a limited liability corporation representing eight powerful nuclear utilities, wants to "temporarily" store 40,000 tons of commercial high-level radioactive waste (nearly the total amount that presently exists in the U.S.) next to the two-dozen tribal members who live on the small reservation. The PFS proposal is the latest in a long tradition of targeting Native American communities for such dumps. But there is another tradition on the targeted reservations as well–fighting back against blatant environmental racism, and winning. Skull Valley Goshute tribal member Margene Bullcreek leads Ohngo Gaudadeh Devia (or OGD, Goshute for "Mountain Community"), a grassroots group of tribal members opposed to the dump. In addition to many other activities, OGD has filed an environmental justice contention before the Nuclear Regulatory Commission’s (NRC) Atomic Safety Licensing Board (ASLB). Both the federal government and the commercial nuclear power industry have targeted Native American reservations for such dumps for many years. In 1987, the U.S. Congress created the Office of the Nuclear Waste Negotiator in an effort to open a federal "monitored retrievable storage site" for high-level nuclear waste. The Negotiator sent letters to every federally recognized tribe in the country, offering hundreds of thousands and even millions of dollars to tribal council governments for first considering and then ultimately hosting the dump. Out of the hundreds of tribes approached, the Negotiator eventually courted about two dozen tribal councils in particular. Resistance from members within the targeted tribes, however, prevented the proposed dumps from opening. Grace Thorpe, founder of the National Environmental Coalition of Native Americans and an emeritus member of the Nuclear Information & Resource Service board of directors, rallied her fellow tribal members and defeated the dump targeted at her own Sauk and Fox reservation in Oklahoma. Tribal members on other targeted reservations turned to Thorpe, and to such Native-led groups as Indigenous Environmental Network (IEN) and Honor the Earth, to learn how to organize their community to resist the federal nuclear waste dump. The Negotiator eventually set his sights on the Mescalero Apache Reservation in New Mexico. But tribal member Rufina Marie Laws spearheaded her community’s resistance against her own tribal council and the Negotiator, thwarting the dump. After having failed to open the intended dump, Congress defunded and dissolved the Office of the Nuclear Waste Negotiator in 1994. The commercial nuclear power industry, however, picked up where the Negotiator had left off. Led by Northern States Power (now Xcel Energy), 8 nuclear utility companies formed a coalition that attempted to overcome the resistance at Mescalero. A tribal referendum, however, doomed the dump to eventual failure. The utility coalition regrouped as Private Fuel Storage, and then turned to the Skull Valley Goshutes in Utah, another community that had been on the Negotiator’s target list. At the same time, the nuclear power industry contributed large sums to Congressional and Presidential campaigns, and lobbied hard on Capitol Hill to establish a "temporary storage site" at the Nevada nuclear weapons test site, not far from the proposed federal permanent underground dump for high-level atomic waste at Yucca Mountain, Nevada. Both these proposed "temporary" and permanent dump sites would be on Western Shoshone land, as affirmed by the 1863 Treaty of Ruby Valley. Yucca Mountain is sacred to the Western Shoshone, and their National Council has long campaigned to prevent nuclear dumping there. Several incarnations of the nuclear power industry-backed "Mobile Chernobyl" bill appeared between 1995 and 2000. They were so dubbed because, if enacted, they would have launched the beginning of tens of thousands of dangerous irradiated nuclear fuel shipments to Nevada. Grassroots efforts across the country, combined with Nevadan leadership in Congress and an unwavering veto pledge by President Clinton, has successfully stopped "Mobile Chernobyl" in its tracks on Capitol Hill for the past five years. Having lost its bid to "temporarily" store its deadly wastes on Western Shoshone land near Yucca Mountain, nuclear utilities have re-focused their hopes for "interim" relief on Nevada’s neighbor, Utah. PFS must have done its homework: it would be hard to find a community more economically and politically vulnerable than the Skull Valley Goshutes to the Faustian bargain of getting "big bucks" in exchange for hosting the nation’s deadliest poisons. Just 25 tribal members live on the tiny Skull Valley Band of Goshute Indians Reservation, an hour’s drive west and south from Salt Lake City in Tooele County, Utah. The remaining 100 Band members live in surrounding towns in Tooele County, in Salt Lake City, and elsewhere. The reservation is already surrounded by toxic industries. Magnesium Corporation is the nation’s worst air polluter, belching voluminous chlorine gas and hydrochloric acid clouds; hazardous waste landfills and incinerators dot the map; with a name straight out of Orwell’s 1984, Envirocare dumps "low level" nuclear waste in the next valley and is applying to accept atomic trash hundreds of times more radioactive than its present license allows. Dugway Proving Ground has tested VX nerve gas, leading in 1968 to the "accidental" killing of 6,400 sheep grazing in Skull Valley, whose toxic carcasses were then buried on the reservation without the tribe’s knowledge, let alone approval. The U.S. Army stores half its chemical weapon stockpile nearby, and is burning it in an incinerator prone to leaks; jets from Hill Air Force Base drop bombs on Wendover Bombing Range, and fighter crashes and misfired missiles have struck nearby. Tribal members’ health is undoubtedly adversely impacted by this alphabet soup of toxins. Now PFS wants to add high-level nuclear waste to the mix. This toxic trend in Tooele County has left the reservation with almost no alternative economy. Pro-dump tribal chairman Leon Bear summed up his feelings: "We can’t do anything here that’s green or environmental. Would you buy a tomato from us if you knew what’s out here? Of course not. In order to attract any kind of development, we have to be consistent with what surrounds us." Targeting a tiny, impoverished Native American community, already so disproportionately overburdened with toxic exposures, to host the United States’ nuclear waste dump would seem a textbook violation of environmental justice. But the nuclear utilities did not let such considerations slow down their push for the PFS dump on the Skull Valley Reservation.



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