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The destructive force of hyper high inflation is a precursor for imminent economic collapse
William Poole, President, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, Global Interdependence Center (GIC) Abroad in Chile Conference, 5/5/07, Universidad Adolfo Ibáñez, Keynote Address, Santiago, Chile 2 Robert Barro. “Inflation and Growth.” Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Review 78 (3), May/June 1996, pp. 153-69.
Perhaps the most obvious examples of the destructive force of inflation are hyperinflations in Germany after World War I, in various eastern European countries after World War II and in Latin America more recently. These were caused by printing money to finance massive government budget deficits. Hyperinflation was ended in those countries by reforms 11
that brought government spending under control and credibly ended the financing of deficits by printing money. Economists have debated whether the termination of hyperinflations resulted in serious declines in output. It is certain, however, that hyperinflation did not promote faster growth or financial stability. Hyperinflations went hand in hand with collapsing economies and financial markets.
Inflation through the troubled energy sector represents a likely scenario for a malicious currency attack and armed conflict.
Jodi Liss, International Affairs Professional Secretary/Executive Assistant at Liss and Lamar, P.C. and Student at Tulane University, 08, Making Monetary Mischief: Using Currency as a Weapon World Policy Journal 24 no4 29-38 Winter
Third, the perceived relationship between politics and economics has become uncoupled, especially in industrialized countries, with less official oversight or control.
And, fourth and finally, the rise of electronic banking and trading has increased the access and speed of transactions by millions of people, while the rise of offshore funds has put large sums of money out of sight of regulators. The increasing lack of transparency has made it difficult, if not impossible, to keep track of who is investing what or how much, or to prevent unseen actors from withdrawing at a strategic moment.(FN4) (The discovery that a rogue trader had pulled off a $7 billion fraud at Societé Generalé this past winter by hiding trades of European stock index futures shows, if nothing else, just how difficult it can be to keep tabs on financial transactions.)
A currency attack could hypothetically start with a state or with a large non-state actor, such as a drug cartel or terrorist group. Its purpose could be to weaken a rival in anticipation of, or during, armed conflict; to punish another state for perceived economic, military, or political infractions; to hobble or distract a potential ally of an adversary; to cripple a potential competitor; or to attack or counterattack a stronger state that has substantial internal financial weaknesses.
There are at least four scenarios in which a malicious currency attack might unfold. These include taking advantage of currency dependence; manipulation through a troubled banking sector; massive dumping of reserves of overvalued currency; and the use of rumor and innuendo to harm another state without actually doing anything.
Japan Link Frontline
Japan’s expanding oil market is fueling import demand
Lily Nonomiya, Staff Writer, International Herald Tribune, 10/13/05, High oil prices shrink Japan's surplus, http://www.iht.com/articles/2005/10/13/bloomberg/sxyen.php
Japan's expanding economy is also fueling import demand.
Mazda Motor and Mitsubishi Motors increased production in August, according to the Japan Automobile Manufacturers Association, creating demand for high-end steel products and the raw materials used to make them.
Prices paid by Japanese steel mills such as Nippon Steel for iron ore have risen by 71.5 percent this year.Growing optimism about Japanese economic growth has also fueled demand for equities. The Nikkei 225 stock average rose 19.8 percent in the second quarter.
Overseas investors bought ¥1.67 trillion of stocks in September, a separate report from the Finance Ministry showed, after purchasing ¥2.10 trillion of stocks in August.
They sold ¥37.4 billion in bonds in September, the third consecutive month in which they were sellers of Japanese debt, the ministry said.
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High oil prices threaten Japanese trade surplus
Lily Nonomiya, Staff Writer, International Herald Tribune, 10/13/05, High oil prices shrink Japan's surplus, http://www.iht.com/articles/2005/10/13/bloomberg/sxyen.php
Japan's current account surplus narrowed for a second straight month in August, the government said Thursday, as rising oil prices and domestic demand drove up imports.
The surplus shrank 15.6 percent from a year earlier, to ¥1.22 trillion, or $10.6 billion, the Ministry of Finance said.
The current account is the broadest measure of trade, tracking the flow of services and investment income from overseas in addition to goods.
A narrower measure, the trade surplus, measuring the difference between imports and exports of goods, shrank 69 percent to ¥233 billion in August, its 10th consecutive decline, Thursday's report said.
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Higher Prices make Japanese imports more expensive while raising demand
Lily Nonomiya, Staff Writer, International Herald Tribune, 10/13/05, High oil prices shrink Japan's surplus, http://www.iht.com/articles/2005/10/13/bloomberg/sxyen.php
Rising oil prices are increasing the value of Japan's imports, which are also climbing because the economic recovery is fueling domestic demand," said Azusa Kato, an economist at BNP Paribas Securities Japan. Kato expects the economic expansion to keep spurring demand for imports, "preventing the surplus from widening."
Imports rose 10.6 percent to a record ¥4.7 trillion in August from ¥4.25 trillion in July, the report showed. Exports climbed 8.8 percent, their fastest pace of growth since November, to ¥4.97 trillion.
The yen fell to 114.79 per U.S. dollar after the report's release, its lowest level in Tokyo since May last year, from 114.38 late Wednesday in New York.
"An increase in oil imports means more demand out of Japan for the dollar to buy them," said Osamu Takashima, chief analyst of the foreign-exchange and treasury division in Tokyo at Bank of Tokyo-Mitsubishi.
High oil prices significantly hurt Japanese sushi trade
Jonathon Soble, Tokyo Writer, FT UK, “High oil prices hit Japanese Sushi trade”, 6/4/08, http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/822967f2-31d0-11dd-b77c-0000779fd2ac.html
Sushi is in danger of falling victim to high oil prices after fishing industry groups warned that a third of the world's long-line tuna fleet - the ships that catch the high-grade tuna used in the Japanese dish - could remain docked this year as soaring fuel costs make fishing unprofitable.
The business is already in decline due to dwindling fish stocks. Japan Tuna, an industry group, said the cost of heavy fuel for long-range tuna ships had doubled over the past year to Y120,000 ($1,137, €733, £576) a kilolitre.
It said 20 per cent of Ja-pan's fleet of 360 ships might suspend operations during July to October, when catches tend to be lowest.
Wholesale prices for the choicest tuna cuts - those served in high-end restaurants - have risen by about 25 per cent in the past year, although the price of lesser grades sold in supermarkets has barely budged.
Japan had more than 800 long-range tuna ships a generation ago but the worsening economics of fishing and tighter international quotas have reduced that number by more than half.
Impacts
Inflation is a perceived weakness that leaves countries open to monetary attack and war
Jodi Liss, International Affairs Professional Secretary/Executive Assistant at Liss and Lamar, P.C. and Student at Tulane University, 08, Making Monetary Mischief: Using Currency as a Weapon World Policy Journal 24 no4 29-38 Winter
The idea that currency could be used as a weapon merits scrutiny. In a world of increasingly porous financial borders and rising sums of offshore money outside the purview of regulators, a deliberate and malicious attack on a country's currency, hypo-thetically, could be used to destabilize or even help to defeat a rival.
It may be asked: why anyone would use currency as a weapon? From a conventional military vantage, where is the shock and awe? For those who normally think of security in terms of bombs and mortal conflict, using money as a weapon may seem improbable or unthreatening.
But it is not. A state may be compromised, destabilized, weakened, or even politically devastated by economic hardship, and an attack on its currency is one means of creating such turmoil.
Blunt but Potent
Economic weapons, of course, are blunt instruments: a currency attack is an act of violence against a state's infrastructure, one whose effects cannot be necessarily limited, guided, directed, or controlled. In an interconnected world, the attacker, or other countries, may end up being harmed by the financial fallout as much as the target. And any state or non-state actor that wanted to use currency as a weapon would face significant execution problems, from gaining access to vast sums of money to coordinating how and when to pull the trigger.
Currency is not like guns and bombs, but it can be an extremely useful weapon in certain circmstances. It is efficient and comparatively inexpensive, and it can weaken or cripple a targeted state in its ability to function, much less to maintain its own security. A currency attack at the precisely right (or wrong) moment may help push a state in a destructive direction, or may weaken an opponent already besieged.
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