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MORALITY IS INNATE AND TRANSCENDENT



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MORALITY IS INNATE AND TRANSCENDENT

1. THE TRUE SOURCE OF MORALITY IS IN THE UNWRITTEN LAWS OF HUMANITY’S RELATIONSHIP WITH THE UNIVERSE AND EACH OTHER

Ralph Waldo Emerson, American transcendentalist philosopher, EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM, 1986, pp. 72-73.

The sentiment of virtue is a reverence and delight in the presence of certain divine laws. It perceives that this homely game of life we play, covers, under what seem foolish details, principles that astonish. The child amidst his baubles is learning the action of light, motion, gravity, muscular force; and in the game of human life, love, fear, justice, appetite, man, and God, interact. These laws refuse to be adequately stated. They will not be written out on paper, or spoken by the tongue. They elude our persevering thought; yet we read them hourly in each other’s faces, in each other’s actions, in our own remorse.


2. TRANSCENDENT MORAL LAWS EXIST IN HUMAN INTUITION

Ralph Waldo Emerson, American transcendentalist philosopher, EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM, 1986, p. 73.

The intuition of the moral sentiment is an insight of the perfection of the laws of the soul. These laws execute themselves. They are out of time, out of space, and not subject to circumstance. Thus in the soul of man there is a justice whose retributions are instant and entire. He who does a good deed is instantly ennobled.
CIVIL LAWS MUST BE A REFLECTION OF TRUE, TRANSCENDENT JUSTICE
1. LAWS WITHOUT TRANSCENDENT JUSTICE ARE USELESS

Ralph Waldo Emerson, American transcendentalist philosopher, EMERSON’S PROSE AND POETRY, 2000,

p. 361.

I question the value of our civilization, when I see that the public mind has never less hold of the strongest of all truths. The sense of injustice is blunted, a sure sign of the shallowness of our intellect. I cannot accept the railroad and the telegraph in exchange for reason and clarity. It is not skill in iron locomotives that marks so fine civility as the jealousy of liberty. I cannot think the most judicious tubing a compensation for metaphysical debility. What is the use of admirable law-forms and political forms, if a hurricane of party feeling and a combination of monied interests can beat them to the ground? What is the use of courts, if judges only quote authorities, and no judge exerts original jurisdiction, or recurs to first principles? What is the use of a Federal Bench, if its opinions are the political breath of the hour? And what is the use of constitutions, if all the guarantees provided by the jealousy of ages for the protection of liberty are made of no effect, when a bad act of Congress finds a willing commissioner?


2. WE HAVE A DUTY TO BREAK IMMORAL LAWS

Ralph Waldo Emerson, American transcendentalist philosopher, EMERSON’S PROSE AND POETRY, 2000,

p. 362.

An immoral law makes it a man’s duty to break it, at every hazard. For virtue is the very self of every man. It is therefore a principle of law, that an immoral contract is void, and that an immoral statute is void, for, as laws do not make right, but are simply declatory of a right which already existed, it is not to be presumed that they can so stultify themselves as to command injustice.


EMERSON’S PHILOSOPHY LEGITIMIZES RUTHLESS POWER AND COMPETITION

1. EMERSON SAW CAPITALIST IMPERIALISM AS THE UNFOLDING OF DIVINE WILL

Robert Milder, Professor of English at Washington University of Saint Louis, THE CAMBRIDGE COMPANION TO RALPH WALDO EMERSON, 1999, p. 68.

Emerson was not “co-opted” by liberal capitalism so much as he hastened to join it, since aligning himself with the divinely empowered forces of the age was always the condition for a living philosophy. “The Young American” (1844)—Emerson’s “battle cry for the new era of industrial expansion and manifest destiny,” as his editors call it—is therefore less an apology for Laissez-faire capitalism than an attempt like Henry Adams’s sixty years later to plot the lines of force that were remaking contemporary society. The difference is that where Adams the ironist would dwell on multiplicity and a vertiginous acceleration of energies without immanent purpose or foreseeable end, Emerson the seeker of unity is at pains to assimilate the new forces to a cosmic and social teleology—to survey history for the perspective of the “over-god” of the Channing ode and, in doing so, “marry Right to Might.”


2. EMERSON GLORIFIED POWER AND ELITISM

Daniel Aron, philosopher, EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS, 1962, p. 90.

Emerson’s respect for power and its achievements is even more glowingly expressed in two others essays, “Power” and “Wealth.” Here he reiterates his preference for the “bruisers” and “pirates,” the “men of the right Caesarian pattern” who transcend the pettiness of “talkers” and “clerks” and dominate the world by sheer force of character. “Life is a search after power,” he announces, and the successful men who understand the laws of Nature and respond to the godhead within themselves, who convert “the sap and juices of the planet to the incarnation and nutriment of their design,” are unconsciously fulfilling the plan of a benevolent providence. In these essays and elsewhere, Emerson was not only synchronizing the predatory practices of the entrepreneur with the harmony of the universe and permitting merchants (as Bronson Alcott shrewdly said) to “find a refuge from their own duplicity under his broad shield”; he was also outlining a code of behavior that the superior man must follow, and sketching the ideal political economy under which the superman might best exercise his uncommon talents.
3. EMERSON’S PHILOSOPHY LEGITIMIZES UNCHECKED CAPITALIST EXPLOITATION

Robert Milder, Professor of English at Washington University of Saint Louis, THE CAMBRIDGE COMPANION TO RALPH WALDO EMERSON, 1999, pp. 68-69.

By emphasizing the “anti-feudal power” of trade, which displaces the “physical strength” of kings and aristocrats and “installs” the enlightened forces of “computation, combination, information (and) science, in its room.” Emerson can associate capitalism with “amelioration in nature, which alone permits and authorizes amelioration in mankind.” Implicit in his words are the notion that the civic world is part of nature and subject to its processes and that advancement occurs by cooperating with these processes rather than directing them toward immediate human ends. The political corollary to this belief is an almost unmitigated laissez-faire: “Trade is an instrument of that friendly Power which works for us in our own despite…Our part is plainly not to throw ourselves across the track, not to block improvement, and sit till we are stone, but to watch the uprise of successive mornings, and to conspire with the new works of new days.”



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