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ALEXANDER HAMILTON

Alexander Hamilton is probably best known as one of the authors of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS, an influential series of pamphlets arguing for a federal constitution to replace the Articles of Confederation. Either that, or the fact that he was killed by political rival Aaron Burr in a duel. Either way, he was an influential figure in the early days of this country who is too often overlooked today.


THE FEDERALIST PAPERS, which Hamilton published (along with John Jay and James Madison) under the name Publius, were extremely important during the early days of the United States. In those papers, Hamilton first began to press the ideas that became extremely important in the formulation of the union – he believed in a strong central government and a strong national bank, opinions that broke strongly from one notable politician of the era – Thomas Jefferson, an anti-federalist who would scrap mightily over those issues with Hamilton throughout their lives.
But of all the political ideas and economic philosophy that Hamilton offered to the world, he also offered a life of tragedy, rebuke and scandal. Much of this is forgotten today. Let’s start the process of remembrance with an exploration of his life, then his ideas.

THE LIFE OF HAMILTON

Hamilton started his career with military action during the revolt against British colonialism. He served as a Lieutenant Colonel under George Washington for four years during the Revolutionary War.


After Washington died, the leadership of the Federalist Party split between Hamilton and John Adams. After Adams was elected President, Hamilton constantly rebuked him in public, talked to cabinet members in attempts to undermine Adams’s policy, and generally made himself a pain. One of those actions was to inflame Hamilton’s feud with Aaron Burr as well.
Shortly before the presidential election of 1800, Hamilton wrote a scathing letter attacking Adams. Due to Hamilton’s inside connections, the letter contained some confidential cabinet information. While Hamilton intended to closely control distribution of his missive, his political rival Aaron Burr secured a copy for himself. Burr then PUBLISHED a copy of it, making it available to the general public, blackening Hamtilon’s eye and ratcheting up tension between Hamilton and Adams – not to mention Hamilton and Burr.
Hamilton was politically active throughout his life, famously serving as a delegate at the Constitutional Convention and encouraging the advance of federal power. He was the only delegate from New York to support the ratification of the constitution – but he did so vociferously, making one legendary speech where he attacked the states’ rights ideas of William Paterson. Hamilton cited the British government as the best model for the new government -- an aristocratic, coercive, centralized union that would be a representative republic. This model would have devices that would protect class and property interests. He would hold to this model in large measure for all his life.
When the Constitutional Convention was convened, Hamilton signed the new American Constitution for his state.

HIS IDEAS

Hamilton, as an aristocrat, was vocally against states’ rights. He saw centralization of authority as necessary to protect essential functions.


This is one of many issues that he and Thomas Jefferson would clash on. While Jefferson was not necessarily a states’ rights proponent in the way we understand these terms today, he did argue that the American government was being divided into a struggle between the “aristocrats” who fear and mistrust the people and the “democrats” who trust the people and consider them the most trustworthy repository of the national interest.
As labels of the day went, Jefferson was considered a Democratic-Republican, shortened to Republican. He wanted to protect the working classes against what he saw as the onset of aristocracy and monarchy, the legacy of Britain.
Hamilton was the Federalist’s Federalist. As early as 1776, he suggested the direct collection of federal taxes by federal agents – a fairly radical stance in such an anti-tax climate. In 1781 he promoted the idea that a non-excessive public debt would be a good thing.
Because he advocated the constitutional doctrines of liberal construction, "implied powers," and the "general welfare," one could think of him as one of the first “big government liberals.” These ideas were later codified in the decisions of Supreme Court Justice John Marshall.
These doctrines meant that even if a role for the federal government was not explicitly stated, it could be interpreted under on of the more broad clauses of the constitution – such as the clause that says it’s the job of the national government to “promote the general welfare.”
This kind of liberal constructionism is deeply at odds with what is called “strict constructionism,” which argues that the federal government only gets to do what the constitution EXPLICITLY says it gets to do. Hamilton’s interpretation opens up the federal government’s role considerably, allowing it to do things that many of the anti-Federalists opposed. They probably would not have agreed to the constitution if they had known some of the things he had in mind.
One of Hamilton’s lasting legacies is the creation of a national bank. This was also one of the most controversial agendas he advanced.
Jefferson, who always mistrusted the financier set (and the federal government), was a vocal opponent of the national bank. Madison (with strict constructionist logic) claimed that the national bank was unconstitutional since the constitution did not explicitly approve such an institution.
Even then-President George Washington, Hamilton’s staunch ally, opposed the project and intended to veto the bill. Hamilton had to work magic – in the form of his now famous Opinion on the Constitutionality of the Bank – in order to convince his longtime friend.
The Opinion sees Hamilton flesh out his view of the implied powers of the constitution. Hamilton’s logic: "[the government has] a right to employ all the means requisite, and fairly applicable to the attainment of the ends of such power; and which are not precluded by restrictions & exceptions specified in the constitution; or not immoral, or not contrary to the essential ends of political society."
Ironically, Hamilton’s basic argument is a qualified version of one used by Madison himself in the Federalist, (no. 44) that "wherever the end is required, the means are authorized; wherever a general power to do a thing is given, every particular power necessary for doing it is included."
Washington passed the Bank Bill in February of 1791. This is perhaps the most concrete consequence of Hamilton’s idea of implied powers.



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