Privatization cp ddi 2012 1 Privatization + Coercion 1


Democracy is still coercive OR Provision of services doesn’t mean that it wasn’t stealing



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Democracy is still coercive


OR

Provision of services doesn’t mean that it wasn’t stealing


Edward Feser (Assistant Professor of Philosophy, Loyola Marymount University) Journal of Libertarian Studies Volume 18, no. 3 (Summer 2004), pp. 91–114 familyguardian.tax-tactics.com

One cannot, Rothbard asserts, get around this claim by suggesting that taxation, at least in typical Western countries, is really voluntary because citizens, through voting, have power over the taxation system. Those who vote against a particular tax or against any taxation at all are, when outvoted by the majority, as coerced into paying taxes as they would be if they had no vote. I am no less coerced when a majority of citizens imposes a tax on me than I would be if a single dictator did so. Would anyone have the temerity to suggest that if the majority voted to have me gratuitously imprisoned or executed and proceeded to do so, I could not complain because my misfortune resulted from a democratic process in which I had a vote? The reply that the state does not really steal from us because it provides services in return (Kearl 1977) also fails, even if we grant the controversial assumption that the average citizen really does get back from the state services commensurate to the amount he is forced to pay. After all, the Mafioso providing “protection services” in return for extorted payments may in many cases really protect his clients from other criminals, yet we would not count his actions any less illegitimate for that reason. The upshot is that, whether or not I am given anything in return for my tax dollars, those dollars are still taken from me involuntarily even if I do not want the services provided or would prefer to get them elsewhere. No one would consider the local florist any less a thief if, after taking some of my property by force, he sent me flowers.

A2 Everyone Has Taxes



The only proper course of action is to fight injustice- no matter how inevitable


WALTER BLOCK (He is currently Professor of Economics at Loyola University New Orleans and Senior Fellow with the Ludwig von Mises Institute) 2005

(“GOVERNMENTAL INEVITABILITY: REPLY TO HOLCOMBE”, http://www.mises.org/journals/jls/19_3/19_3_4.pdf) chip

When put in these terms, the “logic” of the argument is plain to¶ see. First of all, we have survived all these many years, nay, centuries, without the benefits of any world government. It is difficult to¶ see that it is “inevitable.” Second, even if it is unavoidable, arguendo,¶ we are still required, as moral agents, to oppose this evil institution¶ to our utmost. After all, no man is perfect. We all have flaws. In this¶ sense, imperfection, too, is “inevitable.” Does this mean we are¶ somehow off the hook if we fail to ethically improve ourselves? Of¶ course not. The only proper course of action is to strive mightily¶ against the evil in our own hearts, no matter that we are predestined¶ never to fully eradicate it. Holcombe is saying, in effect, “If rape is¶ inevitable, relax and enjoy it.” I am saying, “Even if rape is¶ inevitable, keep fighting against this injustice.”¶ Then, too, “inevitability” springs only awkwardly from the pen¶ of an economist such as Holcombe, for all such claims run head on¶ into the primordial fact of free will.¶ 1¶ If people can make choices—and¶ they can—then nothing concerning human institutions can be¶ “inevitable.” To attempt to deny free will is, of necessity, to engage in¶ it. When something cannot be denied apart from pain of self-contradiction, we can interpret it as necessarily occurring. Thus, government¶ is not inevitable; only free will is. And, with the latter, the inevitable¶ status of the state cannot logically be entertained, let alone insisted¶ upon, as per Holcombe.¶ On the contrary, whether the state remains with us will stem¶ from decisions people make; they are just as free to keep a government in their repertoire as to reject it.

The fact that taxes are common doesn’t make them justified


Edward Feser (Assistant Professor of Philosophy, Loyola Marymount University) Journal of Libertarian Studies Volume 18, no. 3 (Summer 2004), pp. 91–114 familyguardian.tax-tactics.com

Of course, most people suppose taxation, at least in general, to have a legitimacy that robbery does not, especially given its legal status, but that prevailing supposition proves nothing. In some societies, most people at one time erroneously supposed that ownership of blacks had a legitimacy that ownership of whites did not. A neighborhood plagued long enough by Mafia racketeers may eventually come to take their “protection services” for granted and come to rely on them for protection against other thugs, perhaps even eventually regarding them sympathetically, but the Mafia’s extortion would be criminal nonetheless. In general, it is not difficult to think of cases in which people have become so inured to an injustice that they cease to think of it with horror. At least a veneer of legitimacy can settle on even the most appalling policies when they are promulgated by a recognized authority. By almost anyone’s reckoning, Hitler’s Germany would be viewed as an utterly criminal, illegitimate regime, unworthy of allegiance or obedience. Yet, at the time, many Germans took even some of the most brutal Nazi policies as having a legitimacy they would have lacked but for their sanction by the state. Loren Lomasky, himself a libertarian, thus seems wrong to claim that taxation is not theft because citizens do not generally treat it as they do theft (1998, 362–64).9



A2 Taxes Inevitable

Moral obligation to fight no matter what – and resistance makes success possible


Rothbard, professor at Nevada-Las Vegas and founder of the Center for Libertarian Studies and the Journal of Libertarian Studies and dedicated proponent of freedom and liberty in all its legitimate forms, September 1993 (Murray N., “On Resisting Evil,” Rothbard-Rockwell Report, http://www.lewrockwell.com/rothbard/rothbard120.html)

How can anyone, finding himself surrounded by a rising tide of evil, fail to do his utmost to fight against it? In our century, we have been inundated by a flood of evil, in the form of collectivism, socialism, egalitarianism, and nihilism. It has always been crystal clear to me that we have a compelling moral obligation, for the sake of ourselves, our loved ones, our posterity, our friends, our neighbors, and our country, to do battle against that evil. It has therefore always been a mystery to me how people who have seen and identified this evil and have therefore entered the lists against it, either gradually or suddenly abandon that fight. How can one see the truth, understand one's compelling duty, and then, simply give up and even go on to betray the cause and its comrades? And yet, in the two movements and their variations that I have been associated with, libertarian and conservative, this happens all the time. Conservatism and libertarianism, after all, are "radical" movements, that is, they are radically and strongly opposed to existing trends of statism and immorality. How, then, can someone who has joined such a movement, as an ideologue or activist or financial supporter, simply give up the fight? Recently, I asked a perceptive friend of mine how so-and-so could abandon the fight? He answered that "he's the sort of person who wants a quiet life, who wants to sit in front of the TV, and who doesn't want to hear about any trouble." But in that case, I said in anguish, "why do these people become 'radicals' in the first place? Why do they proudly call themselves 'conservatives' or 'libertarians'?" Unfortunately, no answer was forthcoming. Sometimes, people give up the fight because, they say, the cause is hopeless. We've lost, they say. Defeat is inevitable. The great economist Joseph Schumpeter wrote in 1942 that socialism is inevitable, that capitalism is doomed not by its failures but by its very successes, which had given rise to a group of envious and malevolent intellectuals who would subvert and destroy capitalism from within. His critics charged Schumpeter with counseling defeatism to the defenders of capitalism. Schumpeter replied that if someone points out that a rowboat is inevitably sinking, is that the same thing as saying: don't do the best you can to bail out the boat? In the same vein, assume for a minute that the fight against the statist evil is a lost cause, why should that imply abandoning the battle? In the first place, as gloomy as things may look, the inevitable may be postponed a bit. Why isn't that worthwhile? Isn't it better to lose in thirty years than to lose now? Second, at the very worst, it's great fun to tweak and annoy and upset the enemy, to get back at the monster. This in itself is worthwhile. One shouldn't think of the process of fighting the enemy as dour gloom and misery. On the contrary, it is highly inspiring and invigorating to take up arms against a sea of troubles instead of meeting them in supine surrender, and by opposing, perhaps to end them, and if not at least to give it a good try, to get in one's licks. And finally, what the heck, if you fight the enemy, you might win! Think of the brave fighters against Communism in Poland and the Soviet Union who never gave up, who fought on against seemingly impossible odds, and then, bingo, one day Communism collapsed. Certainly the chances of winning are a lot greater if you put up a fight than if you simply give up.
A2 Taxes Key To Society



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