Psychoanalysis – mags neg General 1NC


AT: Psycho Only Individual



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AT: Psycho Only Individual

Psychoanalysis applies the social unconscious connect the individual to the group


Hollander 14 – Currently a research psychoanalyst, educated at the Psychoanalytic Center of California, Former Professor of History at California State University, Dominguez Hills (Nancy Caro Hollander, 4/8/2014, Routledge, Uprooted Minds: Surviving the Politics of Terror in the Americas, ISBN: 978-0881634914 // SM)

Psychoanalysis in the group psychotherapy tradition accounts for a socially constructed subjectivity through the concept of the social unconscious by which they mean the coconstructed and shared unconscious of members of particular social systems such as community, society, nation, or culture. The social unconscious includes shared anxieties, fantasies, defenses, myths, and memories, and its building blocks are made of chosen traumas and chosen glories (Weinberg, 2007). For some theorists in this tradition, The social unconscious represents the installation of social power relations within the core of psychic structure and functions as a bridge between the individual and the group that shapes drives, affects, and defenses. The I of the individual is constructed inevitably out of the preexisting we, which in turn exists in relation to a designated not we, always characterized by power hierarchies. Thus the psychology of individuals is constituted within the vicissitudes of the power-relational field they inhabit to shape how they feel about themselves and behave toward others (Dalal, 2001). In the British psychosocial studies tradition that examines subjectivity through a psychoanalytically informed lens, Wendy Hollway defines the concept psycho-social in this way: We are psycho-social because we are products of a unique life history of anxiety- and desire-provoking life events and the manner in which they have been transformed in internal reality. We are psycho-social because such defensive activities affect and are affected by material conditions and discourses (systems of meaning which pre-exist any given individual), because unconscious defenses are intersubjective processes...and because of the real events in the external, social world which are discursively, desirously and defensively appropriated. (Hook, 2008, p. 351)

AT: No Apply to Policy



Lacan’s theories are applicable to policy


Gunder 6—Michael Gunder is an Associate Professor in the School of Architecture and Planning at the University of Auckland, and is a past president of the New Zealand Planning Institute. (“Lacan, Planning and Urban Policy Formation,” August 22nd 2006, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/0811114042000335287, HSA)

This article has illustrated that Lacan’s theoretical conceptualisation of human identity and desire can provide insight into urban policy formulation and implementation. Planning and its associated urban policy disciplines not only supply ‘scientific’ knowledge and analysis, but also inform the public’s views by providing, and even imposing, ideal ‘master signifiers’ and supporting narratives that emotively, as well as rationally, frame and define what constitutes our major urban policy issues and their scope for viable ‘reasoned’ resolution (Gunder, 2003b). These signifiers shape and contain the urban policy debate. They identify what is lacking, or missing, from the contemporary ideal of the ‘good’ city and then supply the solution to fill this lack. Desire is a central component within this process.¶ Urban policy master signifiers first provide points of anchor from which to construct and constrain the ego-ideal of the fledgling planner who then deploys these master signifiers as their planning policy ideals. These professional master signifiers, and the value and knowledge arrays that underwrite them, construct our strategic urban visioning narratives, plans and solutions. They shape issues as deficiencies, or as a lack, detracting from a whole, complete, ‘good’ city and then provide the content of our urban policies to fill these identified deficient voids. These prescriptions, in turn, set the limits of our social realities and desires of what ought to be, at least for the production of the spaces constituting our built environments.¶ Policy planning is not just delivering facts from the expert to the public. The initial evolution and subsequent imposition of urban policy “gives rise to alienation and transmission of knowledge, resulting in group formation around shared signifiers, i.e. a ‘doxa’” (Verhaeghe, 2001, p. 47). This is a common set of identity shaping beliefs that initially forms the professional identifications of planners and these beliefs are then induced onto the public as the only ‘rational’ urban policy narratives for producing viable answers and city forming policy behaviours. Urban policy formulation involves the partial shaping of the public’s identity as urban residents and actors through shaping their adoption of narratives and master signifiers that produce specific modes of urban behaviours—i.e. urban practices and submission to regulatory compliance (Gunder, 2003b); and, as this article suggests, the resultant production and loss of pleasure—jouissance—that this incurs.¶ Yet planning and urban policy formulation should not be dismissed because they are comprised of ideological ideas that are imposed on the public. Rather their ideological nature is a consequence of policy planning being central to a key dimension of society’s fundamental desire for harmony and security in a ‘better’ future city, even if this can only be fulfilled through illusion (Gunder, 2003a). Those who know—urban policy experts and their political masters—can only survive because the public believes in them (Hillier & Gunder, 2003). Urban policy formation constitutes new narratives of a better future city and hence new urban realities because this is socially desired


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