Relations impacts and cp’s



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US-Turkey relations low



Don’t believe their evidence – the U.S. can’t publicly criticize Turkey but it doesn’t mean that relations are not substantively low

Rozen, 6/21 [Laura, foreign policy writer for the Politico, 2010, Obama's Turkey bind, http://www.politico.com/blogs/laurarozen/0610/Obamas_Turkey_dilemma_.html?showall]
As Turkish-Israeli relations deteriorate, the Obama administration is in a bind. From my story today: Congress is expressing alarm and demanding that Turkey pay a price for its leaders’ increasingly anti-Israel rhetoric in the wake of Israel’s interception of a Gaza aid flotilla last month and Turkey’s recent vote against a U.S.-backed Iran sanctions resolution. ... But in a region where the U.S. is stretched thin and short of even semireliable allies, the Obama administration is keeping its public criticism of Turkey muted and trying to move forward. The Obama administration “is in the worst of all worlds,” Eric Edelman, former U.S. ambassador to Turkey, told POLITICO. “The fundamental problem, I believe, which hasn’t been addressed, is that at this stage, the Turks believe we need them more than they need us. But they need us for a lot of things, too.”
There’s congressional hostility towards US-Turkey relations

Eurasia Net 6/28 [2010, US-Turkish Relations Appear Headed for Rough Patch, Yigal Schleifer, http://www.eurasianet.org/node/61426]
Ankara, in recent years, has been plotting an increasingly independent and ambitious foreign policy course, one that sees an increased role for itself in regional and even global affairs. But observers say Turkey’s role in the Gaza flotilla incident and its subsequent harsh rhetoric against Israel, as well as its decision regarding the Iran sanctions vote, have brought into sharper relief some of the differences between Ankara’s and Washington’s approach on some key issues. [For background see EurasiaNet’s archive]. “I think the administration realizes it has a problem with Turkey, but it’s not a major rift. It’s subtler than that. I think what they will do is start looking at Turkey at a more transactional level for a while, meaning ‘What are you doing for me?’ and ‘This is what I can do for you,’” said Henri Barkey, a visiting scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington. “In the past we would have jumped through hoops for the Turks, but the Turks need to start being more sensitive to our concerns,” Barkey added. On the other hand, things may be less subtle in Congress, Barkey warned. “The fact that the Hamas and Iran issues coincided within a week of each other have created a combustible situation on the Hill,” he said. “The Turks have a problem on the Hill.” Speaking at a recent news conference, Rep. Mike Pence, a Republican from Indiana considered to be a Congressional supporter of Turkey, told reporters: “There will be a cost, if Turkey stays on its present heading of growing closer to Iran and more antagonistic to the state of Israel. It will bear upon my view and I believe the view of many members of Congress on the state of the relationship with Turkey.” Sensing trouble, the government of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) dispatched in mid-June a team of legislators and party members to Washington in order to engage in damage control. But the mission met with limited success.The atmosphere in Washington was not the most cordial one,” says Suat Kiniklioglu, the AKP’s Deputy Chairman of External Affairs. “Especially in the House, the atmosphere was fully demonstrating that American legislators have been convinced that the flotilla incident and the [Security Council sanctions] vote on Iran are part and parcel of the same thing,” Kiniklioglu said. “Turkey and the United States don’t disagree on the objectives when it comes to Iran. We disagree about how to get there. This is a point we tried to make clear.”

US-Turkey relations low



US-Turkey relations are low over aggressive Turkish foreign policy

Hamilton 6/28 [Lee director of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars and Director of the Center on Congress at Indiana U., previous representative from Indiana, Staying Friends with Turkey, http://www.indystar.com/article/20100628/OPINION12/6280305/1002/OPINION/Staying-friends-with-Turkey, 2010]
On his first presidential trip abroad in April 2009, Barack Obama, addressing the Turkish parliament, said: "Turkey and the United States must stand together -- and work together -- to overcome the challenges of our time." But a few weeks ago Turkey, in a U.N. Security Council vote, opposed a sanctions resolution against Iran, one of the Obama administration's top foreign-policy priorities. The no vote, in addition to the fallout from the deaths of eight Turks and an American at the hands of Israeli commandos aboard the Gaza-bound Mava Marmara, has many raising questions about the U.S.-Turkey relationship and the direction of Turkish foreign policy. Turkey has been a staunch NATO ally since 1952, fields its second largest military, and is the alliance's sole Muslim member-state. It has nearly 2,000 noncombat troops serving in Afghanistan. Bases along its southern border with Iraq are a crucial transit point for the American military, and it has played an important role in maintaining stability in the region. The U.S.-Turkey relationship is not in freefall. Turkey is an emerging power of 90 million people in transition. The economy will grow at close to 7 percent this year, and Turkey could even pass Japan, France and Germany to become the world's ninth largest economy in the distant future. The origins of Turkey’s rapid economic ascent were free-market reforms in the 1980s that gave rise to a more conservative and religious middle class in central and eastern Anatolia, in contrast to the historically secular power-brokers of Istanbul and Ankara. With economic clout came political clout, manifesting itself in the election of the Islamist Justice and Development Party (AKP) in 2002, led by Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan. This was a significant development in a country whose founder, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, enforced a strict state-sponsored secularism to signify what he called Turkey's "place in the modern world." The AKP has sought to redress the historic power imbalance between weak politicians and a strong, interventionist military -- the guardian of Ataturk's secularist legacy -- through a series of constitutional reforms and legal actions. However, other Turks, more secular and moderate -- though not well organized as an opposition-- have charged the government with abusing power and are skeptical of the AKP's commitment to a secular state and strong relations with the West. The Turkish leadership's diplomatic embrace of Iran, Hamas and Sudanese President Omar el-Bashir -- indicted by the International Criminal Court for war crimes -- suggests a newly assertive, less pliant Turkey, intent on better ties in the region and desiring to lead within the Islamic world.



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