**Table of Contents Contents 1ac – Mass Transit



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Observation Two: Harms



First, Equal access to education opportunities is impossible without Mass Transit. Inadequate access to transportation is the difference between attending and missing school for some minority students.

Sanchez at al 03

(Thomas W. Sanchez, Rich Stolz, and Jacinta S. Ma, homas W. Sanchez is an associate professor of Urban Affairs and Planning and research fellow in the Metropolitan Institute at Virginia Tech in Alexandria, Virginia. Rich Stolz is Senior Policy Analyst at Center for Community Change. Jacinta S. Ma is a Legal and Policy Advocacy Associate at The Civil Rights Project at Harvard, “Moving to Equity: Addressing Inequitable Effects of Transportation Policies on Minorities” DM)



Although the large majority of K–12 students do not need to rely on public transit to get to school, for those who do, access to that transportation may mean the difference between attending and missing school. For instance, during efforts to obtain free student transit passes from the Metropolitan Transportation Commission serving the San Francisco Bay area, evidence was presented that students without access to public transportation would not attend school.133 A number of high school students in Oakland and El Cerrito, which have significant minority populations, testified that they needed free transit passes because their families sometimes had to decide between food and bus fare.134 In Portland, Oregon, the school district does not provide bus service for students living within 1.5 miles of a school. Sisters in Action for Power, an organization focusing on the interests of low-income girls and girls of color, pressed for free rides to high school on public buses after its survey of more than 2,000 students found that 11 percent reported missing school due to their inability to meet transportation costs.135 Students in Providence, Rhode Island, in an informal survey of more than 500 high school students, found that a number of students whose families were unable to afford bus passes stayed home and missed school, especially during harsh winter days, and others got detention for being late because of the amount of time it took them to walk to school.136 Currently, students attending Providence public high schools who live within three miles of their school must walk or provide their own means of transportation. Limited funding for schools makes it difficult for school districts to transport all children in school buses. Recent severe cuts in school budgets makes it likely that more school districts will need to reduce the transportation services they provide and that more children will need to rely on public transportation to attend school. Transportation policies should recognize and address this growing need. In addition, education reform laws do not always consider the impact of access to transportation. For example, states authorizing charter schools do not always require that the schools provide transportation to students.137 Some states that require charter schools to provide transportation to students only require that they follow the same standards of other schools in the district, such as providing transportation only to those residing in the school district in which the charter school physically exists even though charter schools generally can enroll students from surrounding school districts. Failure to provide transportation may reinforce the segregative effect of charter schools by eliminating the option of low-income minority students to enroll in these schools due to a lack of transportation.138 Another education reform law, the No Child Left Behind Act,139 allows students to transfer from “failing” schools, which are often schools with predominantly minority populations. It does not require that transportation be provided to students who wish to transfer. Although this provision has the potential to reduce segregated schools, not providing transportation to nonfailing schools means that many minority students will not be able to take advantage of this option. Lack of access to transportation also affects access to higher education. Many people of color, for financial and other reasons, attend local community colleges or do not live on campus, often requiring that they find transportation other than walking. For example, minority students make up 30 percent of community college enrollment nationally and their enrollment is often higher in urban areas.140 It is likely that at least some of these students rely on public transportation. These students are likely to experience long or inconvenient commutes as many colleges were designed to serve a region and not necessarily to be accessible by public transportation. It is not known how many students who cannot afford a car decide not to go to college or drop out in the face of an overly arduous commute on inadequate public transportation. Federal and local transportation policies must find ways to better serve the transportation needs of those most dependent on public transportation or the dream of equal access to educational opportunities will remain deferred for many students of color.

Observation Two: Harms




Second, racism permeating the urban transit systems has left minority communities cut off from job opportunities and economically held back.
Robert D. Bullard is the Ware Distinguished Professor of Sociology and Director of the Environmental Justice Resource Center at Clark Atlanta University, “WEB SPECIAL: The Anatomy of Transportation Racism,” 2004 (http://urbanhabitat.org/highwayrobbery)
Martin Luther King, Jr., recognized that racism in its many forms was holding Blacks back economically and that Blacks were being denied the basic rights that white Americans took for granted. In his speeches, he made it clear that the racism being fought in the Montgomery transit system was not an isolated occurrence, but that racism permeated every American institution. "When you go beyond the relatively simple though serious problems such as police racism, however, you begin to get into all the complexities of the modern American economy. Urban transit systems in most American cities, for example, have become a genuine civil rights issue—and a valid one—because the layout of rapid-transit systems determines the accessibility of jobs to the Black community. If transportation systems in American cities could be laid out so as to provide an opportunity for poor people to get to meaningful employment, then they could begin to move into the mainstream of American life. A good example of this problem is my home city of Atlanta, where the rapid-transit system has been laid out for the convenience of the white upper-middle-class suburbanites who commute to their jobs downtown. The system has virtually no consideration for connecting the poor people with their jobs. There is only one possible explanation for this situation, and that is the racist blindness of city planners." By linking the unequal treatment on and access to buses with the violation of constitutionally guaranteed civil rights, the MIA and their leaders built on the foundation laid by the United Defense League boycott in Baton Rouge. The Montgomery bus boycott was a turning point for many reasons. It introduced nonviolent direct action to the Black South and demonstrated the collective power of a united Black community. The basic organizing principles that came out of Montgomery were implanted in the nationwide civil rights movement and changed America forever. The Black masses would no longer be treated as second-class citizens, relegated to the back of the bus. They demanded to be treated as Americans.
Third, Racism in all forms must be unconditionally confronted regardless of consequence. It creates the conditions for all forms of violence to exist and endorses fear and injustice that threatens the existence of society


Memmi 2k
MEMMI Professor Emeritus of Sociology @ Unv. Of Paris Albert-; RACISM, translated by Steve Martinot, pp.163-165
The struggle against racism will be long, difficult, without intermission, without remission, probably never achieved, yet for this very reason, it is a struggle to be undertaken without surcease and without concessions. One cannot be indulgent toward racism. One cannot even let the monster in the house, especially not in a mask. To give it merely a foothold means to augment the bestial part in us and in other people which is to diminish what is human. To accept the racist universe to the slightest degree is to endorse fear, injustice, and violence. It is to accept the persistence of the dark history in which we still largely live. It is to agree that the outsider will always be a possible victim (and which [person] man is not [themself] himself an outsider relative to someone else?).Racism illustrates in sum, the inevitable negativity of the condition of the dominated; that is it illuminates in a certain sense the entire human condition. The anti-racist struggle, difficult though it is, and always in question, is nevertheless one of the prologues to the ultimate passage from animality to humanity. In that sense, we cannot fail to rise to the racist challenge. However, it remains true that one’s moral conduct only emerges from a choice: one has to want it. It is a choice among other choices, and always debatable in its foundations and its consequences. Let us say, broadly speaking, that the choice to conduct oneself morally is the condition for the establishment of a human order for which racism is the very negation. This is almost a redundancy. One cannot found a moral order, let alone a legislative order, on racism because racism signifies the exclusion of the other and his or her subjection to violence and domination. From an ethical point of view, if one can deploy a little religious language, racism is “the truly capital sin.”fn22 It is not an accident that almost all of humanity’s spiritual traditions counsel respect for the weak, for orphans, widows, or strangers. It is not just a question of theoretical counsel respect for the weak, for orphans, widows or strangers. It is not just a question of theoretical morality and disinterested commandments. Such unanimity in the safeguarding of the other suggests the real utility of such sentiments. All things considered, we have an interest in banishing injustice, because injustice engenders violence and death. Of course, this is debatable. There are those who think that if one is strong enough, the assault on and oppression of others is permissible. But no one is ever sure of remaining the strongest. One day, perhaps, the roles will be reversed. All unjust society contains within itself the seeds of its own death. It is probably smarter to treat others with respect so that they treat you with respect. “Recall,” says the bible, “that you were once a stranger in Egypt,” which means both that you ought to respect the stranger because you were a stranger yourself and that you risk becoming once again someday. It is an ethical and a practical appeal – indeed, it is a contract, however implicit it might be. In short, the refusal of racism is the condition for all theoretical and practical morality. Because, in the end, the ethical choice commands the political choice. A just society must be a society accepted by all. If this contractual principle is not accepted, then only conflict, violence, and destruction will be our lot. If it is accepted, we can hope someday to live in peace. True, it is a wager, but the stakes are irresistible.




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