Ext #1 – Relations High Sino-U.S. Relations high – Cooperation proves bond

Ext #1 – Relations High

Sino-U.S. Relations high – Cooperation proves bond

Bajoria 6-18/08 Staff writer for the Council on Foreign Relations [Jayshree Bajoria, Staff Writer, Council on Foreign Relations, “The China-North Korea Relationship,” http://www.cfr.org/publication/11097/why_beijing_sustains_kim_jongil.html?breadcrumb=%2F#6]

But Christopher R. Hill, U.S. envoy to the talks, in an interview with ABC News in February 2007 said: "This whole Six-Party process has done more to bring the U.S. and China together than any other process I’m aware of." Hill said the United States is working very closely with China and South Korea and hopes that "if the North Koreans were to ever think about walking away from this, they would understand they were walking away from all their neighbors as well."

U.S. and China work together to deal with the environment now

Christensen 3/27/07 – Deputy Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs [Thomas J., statement before the House Committee of Foreign Affairs, U.S. Department of State, 3/27/07, http://www.state.gov/p/eap/rls/rm/2007/82276.htm]

<We are engaged with China in a multitude of bilateral and multilateral forums dealing with energy and the environment. China brought together the United States, South Korea, Japan, and India in the first Five-Party Energy Ministerial in December, which addressed energy stability, security, and sustainability. We are partners in the Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate, a collaborative effort with the private sector to implement projects that will improve energy security, air pollution, climate change, and efficiency in a variety of energy-intensive sectors. We work together in the APEC Energy Working Group in pursuit of the goals of the APEC Energy Security Initiative.>

AT: U.S. China War

1. China is not a nuclear threat – only regional

Howard 10/13/04 - Head of Department of Social Sciences, Director of the Combating Terrorism Center [Col. Russ, “The China Threat,” MIT Security Studies Program Seminar, 10/13/04, http://web.mit.edu/ssp/seminars/wed_archives_04fall/howard.htm]

The PLA has insufficient lift to project power. Advancement in the PLA is still based on party loyalty rather than military accomplishments and abilities. Overall, the PLA suffers from poor morale. With its large numbers, the PLA is irresistible in defense and incapable in offense. Although China is a nuclear power, it is not a nuclear threat. In the Q & A, Col. Howard briefly described a few of the actions he would recommend if he were in charge of PLA modernization. He suggested that he would thoroughly review the footage from the Gulf War, cut the Army by half, re-solidify the Sino-Russian relationship, modernize ground and air forces, and increase the capability of Special Operations Forces. Col. Howard concluded by suggesting that for the near-term, China is a regional threat, not an international one. By approximately 2015, the PLA may have developed the capability to sustain a coercive attack against Taiwan, but any threats to the United States will not materialize in the near-term.
2. War won’t escalate – neither country can conquer the other.

Record 12/6/01 – professor strategy and international security Air War College, senior research fellow Center for International strategy, Technology, and Policy [Dr. Jeffrey, “Thinking about China and war,” Aerospace Power Journal, 12/6/01, http://www.airpower.maxwell.af.mil/airchronicles/apj/apj01/win01/record.html]

<Assuming the absence of mindless escalation to a general nuclear exchange, a war between China and the United States would be constrained by limited military capacity and political objectives. For openers, neither China nor the United States is capable of invading and subjugating the other, and even if the United States had the ability to do so, avoidance of a land war on the Asian mainland has long been an injunction of American strategy. The objectives of a Sino-American war over Taiwan or freedom of navigation in the South China Sea would be limited—just as they were in the Sino-American war in Korea. And since the outcome in either case would be decided by naval and air forces, with regular ground forces relegated to a distinctly secondary role, a war over Taiwan or the South China Sea would also be limited in terms of the type of force employed. This was not the case in the Korean War, in which ground combat dominated. (To be sure, the US position on the ground would have been untenable without air dominance.)>
3. No source of Sino-U.S. war – end of Taiwan independence.

Ross 3 - 4 - 06 – professor of political science at Boston College, associate at John King Fairbank Center for East Asian Research at Harvard [Robert S., “Taiwan’s Fading Independence Movement,” Foreign Affairs, vol. 85 no. 2, March/April 06, p. 141, http://taiwansecurity.org/IS/2006/FA-Ross.pdf]

he demise of Taiwan’s independence movement has removed the only conceivable source of war between the United States and China. The two countries will continue to improve their military capabilities and compete for influence in eastern Asia, but as the threat of war over Taiwan recedes, they may moderate their defense policies toward each other. As Beijing gains greater confidence that Taipei seeks not independence but cooperation, it should be able to relax its military posture. Unilateral freezes on new missile deployments and redeployments of missiles away from the Taiwan Strait by Beijing would increase support among Taiwan’s voters for the kmt’s policy of engagement. Such actions would also promote good relations between China and other countries in the region, serving China’s declared objective of a “peaceful rise.” The United States will also be relieved of the imperative to prepare for war with China. The United States will be able to reduce its pressure on Taipei to buy costly U.S. weapons that are ill suited for Taiwan’s defensive needs and politically controversial. In fact, Washington should develop a new defense package for Taiwan that is more sensitive to Taiwan’s strategic and budget realities and that could promote more cooperative political ties between Taipei and Washington by removing a source of acrimony from their relationship. The easing of tensions between Taipei and Washington would contribute to the emergence of less contentious relations between China and the United States and facilitate Washington’s cooperation with other U.S. allies in the region. Although there is regionwide apprehension over China’s threat to use force against Taiwan, there is also little sympathy in the region for Taiwan’s independence movement; indeed, Washington’s commitment to Taiwan has been a divisive issue in U.S. relations with South Korea and Australia.>

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