The Speech (Beginning date: 15 October 1927) The general situation
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- The First Inönü Victory (I)
- The Second Inönü Victory
- Operations on the Southern Front
- The great battle on the Sakarya
- Negotiations with the French and the Ankara Agreement
- The National Assembly questions the army
- The Battle of the Generalissimo
- The Armistice of Mudanya
- Vahdettin leaves the Palace
Etem revolts Soon after Ismet Pasha had taken up his duties at the front, Etem Bey, on the pretext of illness, came to Ankara and stayed here for a long time. While he was away, his brother, Tevfik Bey, took over the acting command of the Flying Columns. The command of the Flying Co1umns secretly raised a unit at Karacasehir called 'The Karakeçili' Etem Bey was instructed to notify the Western Front Command about this and to get the force ready for inspection, but he did not obey this order. It could easily be seen that the brothers Etem and Tevfik had decided to revolt against the National Government. We recognized the seriousness of the situation and consequently took every necessary military and political precaution both at the front and in Ankara. I was not alarmed by the disobedience of Etem Bey and his brother. I was convinced that if they did revolt openly, they would be suppressed and punished. Etem Bey and his friends began to assemble troops at Haymana. I ordered the commanders at the fronts to proceed simultaneously against the rebels. They marched without delay against Etem's forces, which were at Kütahya. They occupied Kütahya and the rebels retreated to Gediz. Then our troops, pursuing Etem Bey's, occupied Gediz, and the latter found refuge in the place most appropriate for them, namely in the ranks of the enemy. Thus the Etem affair ceased to exist. This viper, which had emerged from the bosom of our own army, joined forces with the Greeks. The First Inönü Victory (I) We will have to concern ourselves now with the movements of the enemy and the enemy front. Only one day after Etem Bey and his forces defected to the enemy, the Greek army, on 6th January 1921, delivered an attack along the whole length of our line. I will now explain to you very simply the military position on that day. Imagine a line running from Iznik via Gediz to Usak. The portion of this line north of Gediz is two hundred kilometres long. The enemy advanced with three divisions from the northern point of this line in the direction of Eskisehir .The main body of our troops at Gediz had to go by way of Eskisehir to meet the enemy . They engaged and defeated them. Our revolution had won the First Inonü Victory. The First Constitution I laid before the Assembly a draft dated 13th September 1921. This draft which contained in a condensed form decisions, relating to the organization of the administration and all. our political, social and military opinions, was read at the sitting of the Assembly on 18th September.The first Constitution, which was based on this draft, was passed four months later. The general principles were: 1. Sovereignty is vested in the nation, unconditionally and without reservation. The system of administration is based on the principle that the people guide their own destiny. 2. Executive and legislative powers are vested in the Grand National Assembly, the one and only representative body of the nation. (Note: The first and Second Inonü Victories took place at Inönü, which is a plain near the city of Eskisehir. Later on, when the Turkish Republic passed a law requiring the adoption of surnames, the surname of Inönü was given to Ismet Pasha by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk.) 3. The State of Turkey is governed by the Grand National Assembly , and its government bears the name of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. 4. The Grand National Assembly consists of members elected by the people of each vilayet. 5. Elections to the Grand National Assembly are held every two years. The term of office of elected members is two years, but they are eligible for reelection. Members of the Grand National Assembly do not only represent their constituencies but also the nation as a whole. 6. The Grand National Assembly meets on the first day of November each year without summons. 7 . The power to execute decisions regarding religion and to enact, amend and repeal laws, and the power to ratify treaties and defence agreements, is vested in the Grand National Assembly. 8. The Grand National Assembly administers the different ministries through ministers elected according to a special law. 9. The Grand National Assembly elects a chairman for the duration of, the National Assembly, the chairman is empowered to sign documents and sanction the resolutions of the Cabinet, who elect a chairman from among themselves. The chairman of the Grand National Assembly is, at the same time, chairman by right of the Cabinet. The Second Inönü Victory Our troops on the Western Front, under the command of Ismet Pasha, were concentrated northwest of Eskisehir. w e decided to meet the enemy at Inönü. On the evening of 26th March, the enemy approached the advance positions which Ismet Pasha had ordered to be taken up on the right flank. The next day we engaged the enemy along the whole length of the front. The enemy gained some important local successes. The 30th of March was a day of violent fighting which ended in the enemy's favour. Now it was our turn. On the 31st March, Ismet Pasha launched a counter attack and defeated the enemy the same night, forcing them to retreat. This was the Second Inönü Victory recorded in the history of the revolution. I sent Ismet Pasha this letter: Ankara, 1st April 1921 To Ismet Pasha, Commander on the Western Front, Chief of the General Staff, Metristepe, Inonü battlefield. There have rarely been commanders in history who have taken upon themselves so difficult a task as yours in the battle at Inönü. The survival and independence of our people depended on the patriotism and courage of their leaders and comrades in the army, who successfully fulfilled their duty under your exceptional command. You have not only defeated the enemy but at the same time, put an end to the cycle of misfortune and disaster that has plagued the nation. The whole of our country is celebrating your triumph today. I congratulate you on this great victory. Mustafa Kemal Chairman of the Grand National Assembly Operations on the Southern Front Three infantry divisions under the command of Refet Pasha, who commanded the Southern Front, were entrenched at Dumlupinar. Refet Pasha's orders were to hold the enemy to their positions. The remainder of our divisions were under the command of Fahrettin Pasha, and the enemy turned to attack them. Refet Pasha ordered the23rd Division to join Fahrettin Pasha and marched southwards via Altintas. When it was realized that the enemy was making no move in the direction of Altintas Refet Pasha was called northwards with all his troops. The eastward advance of the enemy compelled Fahrettin Pasha to retreat to the east of Afyon. The enemy, having occupied Afyonkarahisar, advanced to the Çay-Bolvadin line where they halted. The troops under Refet Pasha's command made an unsuccessful attack and suffered heavy losses. The enemy consolidated their position on the heights of Dumlupinar .and remained there. Combining the Southern Front and the Western Front, I placed them both under the command of Ismet Pasha. A divided Congress I would now like to tell you something about the situation that had arisen within the Grand National Assembly itself. You will remember that the committees of the Union for the Defence of the Rights of Anatolia and Rumelia were among those who elected the first National Assembly. It might be said that the Assembly had the character of a political party developed out of the Union for the Defence of the Rights of Anatolia and Rumelia, and this was indeed the case at first. The Union and the Assembly shared the same chief objectives. As you know, the principles .put forward at the Erzurum and Sivas Congresses had been combined under the title of the National Pact. As time passed, difficulties began to crop up regarding the organization and the aim of the common struggle. Votes were divided even on the simplest questions and the working of the Assembly was paralysed. With a view to concentrating the votes along certain lines, some groups emerged in the Assembly and they formulated their programmes. To give you an idea, I will list some of the most important of these:
However, the result of having all these parties was contrary to what was hoped. Every discussion turned into a quarrel as the small groups competed to get votes; I tried to find a solution to this problem but in the end had to resort to forming a party myself under the name of the Party for the Defence of the Rights of Anatolia and Rumelia. At the head of the programme; I placed a fundamental principle which can be summarized in two points. The first was: the party will work to secure a peace which recognizes the territorial integrity and independence of the nation according to the principles laid down in the National Pact. The second point was: the party will henceforth exert every effort to define the organizations of the state and the nation and prepare to set them up according to the Constitution. Calling together all the parties and most of the members of the Assembly, I succeeded in getting them to agree on these two points. I took over the chairmanship of the party. The great battle on the Sakarya Gentlemen, I now wish to return to the events connected with the great battle on the Sakarya, but, with your permission, I will first make some preliminary remarks. Nearly three months passed between the second Battle of Inönü and the general attack which the Greeks launched on 10th July 1921. The position of the two sides preceding this date was as follows: Our army was mainly concentrated at Eskisehir , in positions at Inönü in the north-west and in the region of Kütahya-Altintas. W e had two divisions in the district of Afyonkarahisar, one at Geyve and another in the Menderes region. The Greek army, which had been mobilized after the second Battle of Inönü, was far superior to ours in manpower, rifles, machine-guns and artillery. The enemy attack began in July, and the main body of our troops retreated eastwards across the Sakarya River on the evening of 25th July. The tension became evident first in the Assembly. Opposition representatives began to make pessimistic speeches- Where is our army going ? Where are the people being led? Where is the person responsible for what is happening? W e can't .see him. W e should have liked to see him at the head of the army. Finally, Selahattin Bey, deputy for Mersin, mentioned my name from the tribune and asked me to take over command. The number of those who shared this opinion grew, whi1e others opposed it. In the end the entire Assembly came to the conclusion that my taking charge was the only choice left to us. I accepted the supreme command and thanked the members of the Assembly. The act conferring on me the functions of Commander-in-Chief was passed on 5th August. To the front On 12th August, I left with Fevzi Pasha, the Chief of the General Staff, for Polatli, where our front-line headquarters was.We had come to the conclusion that the enemy would attempt an enveloping movement on our left flank and, with this in view. I took the necessary steps. Events proved that we were right. On 23rd August 1921, the enemy army attacked us along the whole front and both sides gained partial successes locally. The battle took place along a front one hundred kilometres long. At this point, I thought it appropriate to express my ideas about the defence of the country. I said; "There is no line of defence but an area of defence, and that area is the whole country. Not one inch of the country is to be abandoned until it is drenched with Turkish blood." To a man, our troops acted on this principle and fought step by step with the greatest dedication. Thus we crushed the superior enemy forces, depriving them of their power of attack and the possibility of continuing their offensive. The Greek army was beaten and on 13th September 1921, no trace of the enemy was to be found east of the Sakarya. The great Battle of Sakarya had continued without interruption for twenty-two days and nights. Negotiations with the French and the Ankara Agreement The French Government had sent Monsieur Franklin Bouillon, an ex-minister, to Ankara. For about three weeks I negotiated with him. We had our first meeting in my quarters near the railway station at Ankara on Monday 13th June. At the beginning of our meeting the problem was to agree upon a starting point for our negotiations. I suggested that it should be the National Pact, while M. Bouillon suggested that our starting point should be the Treaty of Sevres. In my reply, I noted that a new Turkish state had arisen from the old Ottoman Empire and it had to be recognized. This new Turkey would secure for herself the recognition of her rights. The Treaty of Sevres, I said, was so obviously a death sentence for the Turkish nation that we demanded that its name should not be mentioned by anyone who called himself our friend. I said that in our eyes the treaty did not exist. After long negotiations, M. Bouillon finally proposed that the discussions should be adjourned in order that he might read the Pact and grasp its meaning. He read the articles; and the Ankara Agreement was signed by M. Bouillon on 20th October 1921. Thanks to this agreement, valuable parts of the country were freed from occupation without the sacrifice of our independence in any way, be it political, economic or military. The Pontus question The Pontus question had done us a great deal of harm. Since the year 1840, that is to say, for nearly three quarters of a century, some Greeks had been engaged in reviving the old forms of Hellenism a1ong the Black Sea from the Bosphorus to Rize. A Greek monk named Klematios founded the first Greek meeting hall on a hill at Inebolu, and this place is still called Manastir (this means 'monastery').The place served as a meeting place for the adherents of the Pontus idea, and members of the organization appeared from time to time in the form of bands of brigands. During the World War the Greek villages in the neighbourhood of Samsun, Çarsamba, Bafra and Erbaa had all been turned into arsenals containing rifles, ammunition, bombs and machine-guns. The Greeks organized a general uprising. Tokomanidis, the leader of the Greek conspirators in Samsun, began to contact Central Anatolia; and certain foreign powers promised to assist in setting up a Pontic state. At Batum they collected the Armenians and the Greeks living in Russia in order to send them to Samsun to reinforce the ranks of the Greek population. After equipping these men with arms taken from Turkish troops in the Caucasus they proceeded to land them on our shores. In this way the several thousand Greeks, who gathered at Sohum, headed by a man called Cahralambos, with the intention of making skirmishes into the area, were joined by those who had been assembled at Batum. Around the same time, a Greek Government of Pontus was formed on 18th December 1919 at Batum. As soon as we landed. in Anatolia, we warned the Turkish population to be on the look-out. The 3rd Army Corps devoted itself exclusively to the annihilation of these bands. In addition, the population was armed and national forces formed. The National Assembly questions the army A movement against the army had been started in the Assembly. They asked why, after months had passed since the Battle on the Sakarya, the army did not attack. They said that the army should mount an attack regardless of the cost. W e defeated this movement. W e could not consent to the idea of a partial attack, as our plan was to carry out a general attack which would lead to a decisive victory. This plan could only be put into operation when all the preparations were complete. An ill-prepared attack was worse than no attack at all. The decision to attack The world is full of trials and, after so many centuries, the Turkish nation again found itself facing such trials, this time of an especially difficult nature. Our army was involved in perfecting its equipment and remedying its deficiencies. As early as the middle of June, I had decided to mount an attack, but the commander at the front, the Chief of the General Staff and the Minister of Defence were the only persons aware of my decision. As you know, the enemy, after the great battle on the Sakarya, had a very strong force between Afyonkarahisar and Dumlupinar. There was another strong force in the district of Eskisehir. Their reserves were concentrated between these two forces. Their right flank was protected by some divisions in the district of Menderes and their flank by others to the south of Lake Iznik. It may be said that the enemy front extended all the way from the Sea of Marmara to the Menderes. The commander of our 2nd Army was His Excellency Sevki Pasha, and the command of the 1st Army had been transferred to Ihsan Pasha. On 6th August the commander of the Western Front gave his armies the secret command to prepare for attack. The Chief of the General Staff left for the front on the 13th. I left several days later and I kept my departure secret from the whole of Ankara. The Order At four o'clock on the afternoon of 20th August, I was at our headquarters on the Western Front at Eskisehir. After a short consultation, I gave the order that the attack should be launched on the morning of 26th August 1922. The commanders set to work at once. The attack was to be a surprise. On 24th August, we transferred our headquarters in this zone of the line of attack from Aksehir to Suhut, and on the morning of 25th August, we moved to a camp south-west of Kocatepe. It was from here that we intended to direct our military operations. On the morning of the 26th, we were at Kocatepe and our attack was opened with artillery fire at 5.30 in the morning. The Battle of the Generalissimo In the course of two days, the 26th and 27th of August, we took the strongly fortified defences of the enemy along a line extending fifty kilometres south and twenty or thirty kilometres east of Karahisar. By the 30th of August we had completed the main encirclement of the main force of the enemy in the neighbourhood of Aslihanlar. By then the main body of the enemy had been partly annihilated and partly taken prisoner. This battle is now known as the Battle of the Generalissimo because among the prisoners of was General Trikupis, Commander-in-Chief of the enemy army. On 3rd September 1922, our armies had reached the primary target which I had set them in their drive to the Mediterranean. I am proud and eternally happy to be the son of a nation and the commander o fan army that can perform such deeds. The Armistice of Mudanya M. Franklin Bouillon expressed a wish to have an interview with me and I told him that I would receive him in Izmir. During the course of our interview, a note came from the foreign ministers of the Allied powers, dated the 23rd of September. It concerned two main points: one was the cessation of hostilities, and the other was a peace conference. It enquired whether we would be willing to send delegates to a conference which could take place either in Venice or elsewhere. In my reply to this note on 29th September 1922. I informed them that I agreed to the proposal for a conference, but only on condition that it be held at Mudanya. This proposal was accepted and, after a week of stormy discussion, the Armistice of Mudanya was signed on 11th October. Thus Thrace was reincorporated into the mother country. The Peace Conference On 28th October 1922, the Entente Powers invited us to a peace conference, which was to meet at Lausanne. But these powers insisted on recognizing the existence of a government in Istanbul and invited them also to attend the conference. This double invitation 1ed to the final abolition of the monarchy-the ca1iphate and the monarchy were separated from one another by an act of 1st November 1922, by which the sovereignty of the nation, which had been exercised for the previous two and a half years was confirmed. The caliphate . remained for some time but without any particular rights. Vahdettin leaves the Palace The first sentence of a telegram sent to us on 17th November 1922 ran as follows: "Vahdettin Effendi left the Palace tonight." An additional note added the following information: "We officially announce that His Imperial Majesty, appreciating that in the present circumstances his freedom and life are in danger, has appealed for the protection of the British, and has requested that he be taken away from Istanbul." The Grand National Assembly proclaimed the fugitive to have been deposed from the caliphate, and Abdülmecit Effendi was elected to be the last caliph. I particularly emphasized that he should bear the title Caliph of All Muslims and that no other title or description should be added. The question of the caliphate I made statements everywhere on the question of the caliphate. I formally declared that we could not allow anyone, whatever his title, to interfere in questions relating to the destiny, activity and independence of the new Turkish state which the nation had now set up. I helped the people to understand that Turkey, with the limited manpower she had available, could not be placed at the disposal of the Caliph so that he might fulfill the mission entrusted to him - the foundation of a state encompassing the whole of the Islamic world. The Turkish nation was not capable of undertaking such an irrational mission. For centuries our nation had been under the influence of these erroneous ideas, and what had been the result! Everywhere we had lost millions of men. "Do you know," I asked, "how many sons of Anatolia have perished in the scorching deserts of the Yemen (in Saudi Arabia)? Do you know what losses we suffered to keep Syria. Iraq and Egypt and to maintain our position in Africa? And do you see the result? The people of the new Turkey have no longer any reason to think of anything but their own existence and their own welfare. She has nothing left to give away to others." Forming new party I had long discussions everywhere about forming a political party. On 7th December 1922, I declared, through the Ankara press, my intention of forming a new party on a popular base, with the name of the People's Party. I called upon all patriots and educated people to cooperate in drawing up the manifesto. The views I received in writing from a number of people were very helpful to me. At last, on 8th April 1923 I set down my own ideas in the form of nine basic principles.This manifesto served as the basis for the formation of our party. It contained" in essence, all that we had decided upon up to that day. There were, however, some vital questions which had not been included in the manifesto. For instance, the proclamation of the republic, the abolition of the caliphate, the closing down of the Ministry of Religion, the question of theological schools (medreses) and dervish orders (tekkes), and the introduction of the hat. The nine principles were the guiding force for the activities of the People's Party. The title of the party was subsequently changed to the Republican People's Party. The Lausanne Peace Our four year struggle for independence was rewarded with a peace worthy of our National Pact. The peace signed at Lausanne on 25th July 1923 was ratified by the Assembly on 24th August in the same year. It was a political victory unequalled by any in Ottoman history. The Treaty of Lausanne may be summarized as follows: 1. No troops of the Allied Powers were to remain anywhere in Turkey. 2. Some foreign experts were to be engaged for five years as advisers. 3. Capitulations of any description were abolished completely and forever. 4. The presidency of the commission which was set up to govern the Straits, was given to us. Download 195.24 Kb. Share with your friends:
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