The United States federal government should pursue a defensive space control strategy that emphasizes satellite hardening, replacement, redundancy and situational awareness
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***ADD-ONS***Economy Add-On[ ] Space militarization is key to jobs and technological innovation Pinkerton 2009 - Fellow at the New America Foundation [James Pinkerton. January 14, 2009. Beam Us Up, Barack!. New America Foundation. Fox News.http://newamerica.net/publications/articles/2009/beam _us_barack_9943. Accessed June 23, 2011] There’s only one best way: Put space exploration at the center of the new stimulus package. That is, make space the spearhead rationale for the myriad technologies that will provide us with jobs, wealth, and vital knowhow in the future. By boldly going where no (hu)man has gone before, we will change life here on earth for the better. To put it mildly, space was not high on the national agenda during 2008. But space and rocketry, broadly defined, are as important as ever. As Cold War arms-control theology fades, the practical value of missile defense–against superpowers, also against rogue states, such as Iran, and high-tech terrorist groups, such as Hezbollah and Hamas–becomes increasingly obvious. Clearly Obama agrees; it’s the new president, after all, who will be keeping pro-missile defense Defense Secretary Robert Gates on the job at the Pentagon. The bipartisan reality is that if missile offense is on the rise, then missile defense is surely a good idea. That’s why increasing funding for missile defense engages the attention of leading military powers around the world. And more signs appear, too, that the new administration is in that same strategic defense groove. A January 2 story from Bloomberg News, headlined, “Obama Moves to Counter China With Pentagon-NASA Link,” points the way. As reported by Demian McLean, the incoming Obama administration is looking to better coordinate DOD and NASA; that only makes sense: After all, the Pentagon’s space expenditures, $22 billion in fiscal year 2008, are almost a third more than NASA’s. So it’s logical, as well as economical, to streamline the national space effort. [ ] Collapse in space would crush the global economy and American hegemony – precision and C3I Dolman 2005, Associate Professor of Comparative Military Studies at the US Air Force School of Advanced Air and Space Studies [Everett C. Dolman. “US Military Transformation and Weapons.” September 14, 2005. http://www.e-parl.net/pages/space_hearing_images/ConfPaper%20Dolman%20US%20Military%20Transform%20%26%20Space.pdf. Accessed June 24, 2011.] No nation relies on space more than the United States—none is even close—and its reliance grows daily. For both its civilian welfare and military security, a widespread loss of space capabilities would prove disastrous. America’s economy, and along with it the world’s, would collapse. Its military would be obliged to hunker down in defensive crouch while it prepared to withdraw from dozens of then-untenable foreign deployments. For the good of its civilian population, and for itself, the United States military—in particular the United States Air Force—is charged with protecting space capabilities from harm and ensuring reliable space operations for the foreseeable future. As a martial organization, the Air Force naturally looks to military means in achievement of its assigned ends. And so it should. The United States has embarked on a revolutionary military transformation designed to extend its dominance in military engagements. Space capabilities are the lynchpin of this transformation, enabling a level of precision, stealth, command and control, intelligence gathering, speed, maneuverability, flexibility, and lethality heretofore unknown. This twenty-first century way of war promises to give the United States a capacity to use force to influence events around the world in a timely, effective, and sustainable manner. And this is a good thing, a true transformation from conflicts past. [ ] Object-tracking satellite system protects economy- communications satellites integral part Ghoshroy 2004, Research Associate at MIT [Subrata Ghoshroy. “Ensuring America’s Space Security: Report of the FAS Panel on Weapons in Space.” The Federation of American Scientists. September 2004. http://www.fas.org/pubs/_pages/space_report.html. Accessed June 22, 2011.] One the United States' highest priorities should be to establish a fully spacebased network of satellites dedicated to tracking space objects. The recent addition of a space-based sensor to the NORAD space-tracking network has remarkably improved space awareness. Given the importance to the U.S. economy of communications satellites, this system should have the explicit requirement of scanning the entire space environment out to geostationary orbit at least once every 5½ hours, the time it takes for the transfer from a low-Earth "parking" orbit to a geostationary orbit. Such a system was analyzed by the Congressional Budget Office in 2000 and estimated to cost approximately $550 million over ten years, including operating costs. [ ] Space conflict will spill over to terrestrial impacts – it will devastate the global economy Col Shaw, USAF 2009 BS, Astronautical Engineering, USAFA; MS, Astronautics, University of Washington; MA, Organizational Management, George Washington University; MS, National Security Strategy, National Defense University [Towards a New National-Security Space Strategy through an analysis of US Maritime Strategy, Air & Space Power Journal, Spring 2009,] Thus, as described above, the United States requires an implementing national-security space strategy to accompany its national space policy. In fact this need is greater than ever before, driven and reinforced by four key trends in the current geopolitical environment with regard to space. The first and perhaps most dominant trend is the enhanced degree to which spaceborne and space-related capabilities are now integrated into terrestrial activities of all kinds. During the first few decades of human activity in space, the medium was much more a separate stage, one of more abstract political and strategic activity.11 That has changed quickly and dramatically; space has woven itself into the economic, sociocultural, and security fabrics of modern global society. In many ways, space capabilities are collectively the central nervous system of the global economy, delivering vital, information-based products (communications, imagery, precision navigation and timing, etc.) and underpinning economic infrastructure (banking, transportation, etc). In fact it is now essentially impossible to quantify how much human activity relies on space because it has cascaded into second- and third-order applications and beyond. Also, this intertwining of space and nonspace, particularly in the defense arena, has had the collateral effect of reshaping policy paradigms. The age-old debate over “weaponization of space” (which struggles even to define the basic terms weaponization and space, let alone shape the various positions around varying definitions) finds itself on the brink of obsolescence. Because treating the medium of space separately and distinctly from its terrestrial counterparts has become increasingly difficult, if not impossible, it is correspondingly almost impossible to practically discuss weaponization of space without the subject’s having embedded (and likely intractable) implications for terrestrial weapons and forces.12 This new and ever-increasing inseparability of activities in or through space and the terrestrial environment—whether political, economic, military, or some other form of activity—demands a corresponding, integrated space-security strategy. 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